In the Post Military Era (2006-2021) Reflexions and Solutions

Hyginus Uzomah and Sultan Khan

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Human Security Threats in Nigeria

In the Post Military Era (2006-2021) Reflexions and Solutions

= Child and youth development programmes should be viewed as priority to capacitate the next genetation of active citizens that will add value to its human security challenges =

Hyginus Uzomah and Sultan Khan

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Human Security Threats in Nigeria

In the Post Military Era (2006-2021) Reflexions and Solutions

ORASSU 2023

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Human Security Threats in Nigeria in the Post-Military Era (2006-2021) – Reflections and Solutions

Hyginus Uzomah and Sultan Khan

Dedication

This book is dedicated to the victims of armed bandits, Boko Haram insurgency, electoral malpractices, human rights abuse, ethnic and religious violence, and colonial legacy in Nigeria, and Africa.

Foreword

Long before colonization Africa had its own socio-political and economic system which today has come to be known as Indigenous Knowledge System (IKS). With colonization much of these knowledge systems was either usurped or desecrated through the imposition of Western forms of knowledge systems. Africa had its own political system comprising tribes constituting different ethnic groups lead by a king who had authority over its subjects through which community matters were dealt with. It had its own set of indigenous laws presiding over governance issues. With colonization these systems of governance were either replaced or usurped to enforce western laws that were alien to the indigenous African people.

In the 1960’s the colonial project failed dismally to govern Africa and many won over their sovereignty through political contestations. For the many that were liberated, the political structure bequeathed by the colonialist was sacrosanct. Ethnic infighting, a divide and rule strategy promoted by the colonialists became a precursor as to who shall govern. Post-colonialism Africa was besieged by ethnic conflicts as to who shall have the right to govern. It created two polities characterized by the primordial made up of indigenous groupings and the second associated with the colonial administration. With more than sixty years of liberation, in the 21st Century some parts of Africa continue to be embroiled in a quest to preside over governance issues based on the primordial and colonial forms of administrations. Many of the electoral constituencies, continue to be usurped through funding and arms to contest political hegemony over their citizenry indirectly pursuing western political and economic agendas. The case of Rwanda which sought independence from Belgian rule is instructive. In the 1959-1962 revolution which led to independence the Hutu and Tutsi were embroiled in genocidal clashes as to who should assume control

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, struggles for independence from Belgian rule gained currency in Rwanda. These struggles included violence between the Hutu and Tutsi as the two groups sought power to govern the nation. A 1959–1962 revolution led to national independence, with Hutu leaders assuming control of government. The Hutu massacred the Tutsi resulting in some 100 000 Tutsi’s being murdered in 1994 over 100 days which drew the attention of the international peace keeping forces to intervene. The case of Rwanda is considered to be the largest genocide between two rival ethnic groups in the latter part of the 20th Century. In the 21st Century, Sudan has taken a centre stage in ethnic genocide. It was colonised by the British and partly by the Egyptians. Some 300 000 were murdered. Currently the Democratic Republic of Congo, once colonised by the French has already seen one million deaths due to political conflict. It thus becomes evident that post-colonialism many African states have been left in political disarray and none enjoyed stability due to contested ethnic rivalry for political hegemony.

Post liberation Africa attempted to consolidate the liberated states into one body to secure peace and harmony in the continent. The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed in 1963. One of the key aims of the OAU was to encourage political and economic integration amongst member states to overcome the hangover from colonial rule and overcome neo-colonialism. Some 32 nation states were signatory to the declaration of the OAU. After 36 years of its formation the OAU failed to maintain peace and order in the continent. This was largely due to the absence of an armed force to the likes of the United Nations and its unwillingness to intercede in the internal affairs of member states. Many de-colonized states were dependent on their former colonial overlords politically and economically. It can be dubbed a toothless organization that needed dentistry through the formation of the African Union (AU) under the auspices of the second South African President Thabo Mbeki in 2002.

In the OAU Nigeria played an important role in crafting the Charter of the organization. The OAU provided Nigeria a distinguished space for diplomatic resolution of important events in the African continent. It committed itself to make substantial contribution to the Liberation Fund of the OAU and played an important role in dismantling colonial rule in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Apart from its leadership role in the OAU Nigeria played an important role in the formation of the AU. In crafting the aims of the AU Nigeria held the view that the continent needs to be Afrocentric in nature so that it enjoys economic emancipation from the Western countries and promoting political integration across the continent. It has envisaged that the continents capacity be enhanced by responding to globalization, corruption, civil wars and refugees, crimes, good governance, human insecurity, climate change and migration. Until now, Nigeria plays the role of big brother in the continent and committed to promote an AU foreign policy that will de-colonize Africa.

Notwithstanding, the important political role that Nigeria continues to play in the continent, at a domestic level it has its own challenges. Since the demise of military rule in 1999 to civilian forms of governance, Nigeria is beset with a wide range of internal human security threats. The primary cause of this threat is poverty underscored by low levels of development initiatives in key sectors of Nigerian society. Endemic poverty arising from poor infrastructure investments such as education, health, housing, food insecurity, inter-ethnic conflict, corruption, terrorism are just a few sources of human security issues that Nigeria is bedeviled with. There is a strong relationship between human security and human development and in the absence of human security, development cannot reach its full potential and impact positively on the quality of life for its citizens. Human security is a fundamental human right that goes beyond violent threats and embraces social and economic rights, In the case of Nigeria a distinction needs to be made between freedom from fear and freedom from wants. Although the Nigerian polity are exposed to fear due to non-conventional violent episodes such as terrorism, it is also threatened by peoples wants for basic needs. In the absence of meeting the basic wants of its citizens it risks being trapped in a never-ending cycle of insecurity which can be a source for political instability.

Preface

The Nigerian internal security policy is designed to deter all forms of real or perceived physical and human security threats to the people’s lives, property, interest, and personal welfare. Since the post-military era, measures put in place to actualize this objective, it appears not to have yielded much needed outcomes. To understand this reality, this book examines the sources of internal security threat to Nigeria that are endemic across the country’s six geo-political zones. The book critically appraises the ideas, opinions and beliefs of the various public policy makers and stakeholders across academia, and civil society, on the key threat to human security and the measures to address it. Data for the book is adopted through a mixed method research approach where quantitative and qualitative information was sought. The book draws from a sample of 95 participants from the identified strata within the study population in the Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC), together with secondary data sources. The book highlights that the present situation of human insecurity in Nigeria is abysmal, alarming, and scary, expressed in the high rate of crime, widespread poverty, high rate of unemployment, economic inequality, and corruption, among other threats to human security. Human displacement, lack of access to basic health care, recurrent flood disaster and desperation for wealth as the major socio-economic consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria is also highlighted. It is recommended that the decentralization of Nigerian internal security architecture, rehabilitation of victims of crime, legislation for education rights, and the formation of youth empowerment programs are some of the considerations that need attention in order to reduce human security threats. In addition to effective economic development policy, the right to self-determination, de-emphasizing ethnic and religious sentiment and adherence to democratic principles and the rule of law, as part of measures to mitigate Nigerian internal human security needs to be considered. The book concludes that so long as the Nigerian authorities continue to prioritize physical security and infrastructure development over human security, welfare and wellbeing, the threat of human insecurity will remain unabated.

Human Security Threats in Nigeria in the Post-Military Era

Reflections and Solutions

Hyginus Uzomah and Sultan Khan

Table of Contents

Dedication …………………………………………………………………………..vii

Forward ……………………………………………………………………………… ix

Preface ……………………………………………………………………………… x

List of Abbreviations ……………………………………………………………… xii

Chapter One: Reflecting on the Post-Military Threat

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………… 12

Chapter Two: Conceptual Foundation for the Understanding of Human Security in Nigeria

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 13

Internal Security ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 13

Nigeria’s Internal Security Policy ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 14

Internal Threat -……………………………………………………………………………………………… 17

Post-Military Era ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 18

Social Welfare……………………………………………………………………………………………… 18

Human Development ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 19

Human Rights ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 19

Environmental Security ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 21

Personal Security ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 23

Community Security ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 25

Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 27

Chapter Three: Research Methodology

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 29

Research Objectives……………………………………………………………………………………………… 29

Research Questions ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 29

Research Design and Methods ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 31

The Population of the Study ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 31

The Study Setting/Location ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 36

Sample and Sample Size……………………………………………………………………………………………… 38

Data Collection Instruments ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 38

Survey (Questionnaire) ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 40

Open-ended interviews and interview guide……………………………………………………………………………………………… 42

Primary data Source and Procedure ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 43

Secondary data Source and Procedure ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 43

Method of data Analysis……………………………………………………………………………………………… 45

Challenges of data Collection ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 46

Covid-19 Challenges ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 46

Demographic Profile of Respondents (Survey) ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 47

Demographic Profile of the Interviewees……………………………………………………………………………………………… 47

Ethical Consideration ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 48

Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 48

Chapter Four: Global and Nigerian Human Security Discourse for Political Stability

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 49

An Overview of the Concept of the Concept of Security ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 58

The Global Perspective of Human Security -……………………………………………………………………………………………… 61

Human Security and Development in the Era of Colonial Administration in Nigeria 64

Human Security in the Post-Military Era ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 65

Human Security and Development in Nigeria ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 68

Human Development and Social Justice ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 69

Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 70

Chapter Five: Causes and Consequences of Human Insecurity in Nigeria

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 71

Causes of Human Insecurity in Nigeria ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 73

Threat of armed Banditry……………………………………………………………………………………………… 76

Threat of Insecurity ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 78

Threat of Unemployment ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 80

Poverty and Economic Inequality ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 82

Inadequate Security Policy Implementation……………………………………………………………………………………………… 83

Balance of Internal and External threats ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 84

Consequences of Human Insecurity in Nigeria ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 85

Economic Development ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 87

Flood Disaster and Human Development……………………………………………………………………………………………… 88

Basic Health Care ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 90

Human Displacement and Food Insecurity -……………………………………………………………………………………………… 91

Desperation for Wealth ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 93

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………… 93

Chapter six: Factors that Sustain Human Insecurity in Nigeria and Measures to Ameliorate the Situation

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 94

Factors that Sustained Human Insecurity in Nigeria……………………………………………………………………………………………… 95

Political Corruption ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 98

Lack of Political Will……………………………………………………………………………………………… 99

Multicultural Economic Policy ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 101

Political Marginalization ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 105

Strategies to Improve Human Insecurity in Nigeria……………………………………………………………………………………………. 106

Moral Regeneration ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 107

Effective Database ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 109

Sustained Poverty Alleviation Program……………………………………………………………………………………………. 110

Capacity to address Human Security ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 112

Adoption of People Oriented Constitution ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 114

Home-grown Education Policy ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 114

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………. 115

Chapter Seven: Non-kinetic Approach to Threat to Human Security in Nigeria

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 116

Adoption of Igbo Empowerment Model of Entrepreneurship (Igba-Odibo)……………………………………………………………………………………………. 121

Regional Autonomy and Constitutional Review -……………………………………………………………………………………………. 125

Reclaiming the Pre-colonial Africa Educational System ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 129

Securitizing Non-Military Security Threat to Nigeria……………………………………………………………………………………………. 132

Creating Security Awareness and Consciousness across border Communities ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 134

Human Welfare Measures to ease the menace of kidnapping in Nigeria ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 139

Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 139

Chapter Eight: Socio-Political Threat to Human Security in Nigeria

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 140

Arms Proliferation across Contiguous borders to Nigeria ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 143

Threat of Rapid Increase in Human Population ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 145

Breach of Electoral and Constitutional laws and Violence in Nigeria……………………………………………………………………………………………. 149

Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 149

Chapter Nine Summary: Conclusion and Recommendations

Summary of Major Findings ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 153

General Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 154

Compendium of Recommendations ………………………………………………. 163

Bibliography ………………………………………………………………………. 178

Epilogue ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 179

Dedication and Acknowledgement

This book is first dedicated to the victims of armed bandits, Boko Haram insurgency, self-determination, electoral malpractices, human rights abuse, ethnic and religious violence, colonial legacy in Nigeria, and Africa. Uzomah dedicates this book to his late parents and brother, Mr and Mrs Sebastian Uzomah Duru, and Robert Nkemjurumafor Uzomah. Khan dedicates this book to his wife Shere and sons Shaheen and Safeer who suffer his absence in family time spending long hours in researching and writing.

Dr Hyginus Uzomah is a Political Scientist at the Walter Sisulu University in South Africa. Since his tenure as a Political Scientist, he has promoted twenty-two research projects on diverse political issues both in the continent and South Africa. He is passionate about security, de-colonization, and African Renaissance in the continent. Dr Uzomah is a long-standing member of the South African Association of Political Scientists.

Sultan Khan is a Sociologist in the School of Social Science at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban. He is a full Professor and a National Research Foundation rated scientist. His research interests are in the fields of Contemporary Social Issues, Urban and Development Sociology. He is the recipient of one of the top 30 researcher awards at the University of KwaZulu-Natal and long-standing member of the International Sociological Association.

Foreword

Preface

List of Abbreviations

AMAC Abuja Municipal Area Council

APC All progressive Alliance

BBC British Broadcasting Corporation

BVN Bank Verification Number

CCTV Computer-based Closed Circuit Television Cameras

CFR Council for Foreign Relations

CBN Central Bank of Nigeria

CPIR Corruption Perception Index Report

CFRN Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

DRC Democratic Republic of Congo

ESN Eastern Security Network

FCT Federal Capital Territory

GDP Gross Domestic Product

GNI Gross national income

JTF Joint Task Force

ICJ International Court of Justice

IPOB Indigenous People of Biafra

IDP Internally Displaced Persons

ICIR International Centre for Investigative Report

ICISS International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty

IDASA Institute for Democratic Alternative in South Africa’s

NDP National Defense Policy

NNDP Nigerian National Defense Policy

NPC National Planning Commission

NBS National Bureau of Statistics

NSS National Security Strategy

NSSR National Security Summit Report

NEMA National Emergency Management Agency

NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization

NNPC Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation

NIN National Identity Number

NIC National Identity Card

UNHRC United Nations Human Rights Commission

OPEC Organization for petroleum Exporting Countries

PDP People’s Democratic Party

SPSS Statistical Package for the Social Sciences

TIR Transparent International Report

UNHDI United Nations Human Development Index

UNHDR United Nations Development Report

UNTFHS United Nations Trust Fund for Human security

UNFAO United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization

WHO World Health Organization

WFP World Food Programme

CHAPTER ONE

Reflecting on the Post-Military Threat

Introduction

The national security policy is an integrated and multidimensional approach that contains measures to deal with imminent, perceived and or potential security threats to national security and interest. National security concept, “is an elastic one; its meaning and implications have expanded, contracted, and shifted over time. National security refers to the safeguarding of a people, territory, and way of life. It includes protection from physical assault and in that sense comparable to defense” (Jordan et al 2009:3-5). However, national security is not an exclusive preserve of defense, it presupposes security issues and concepts that border on “food security, economic, political, energy, industrial, human and environmental security” (Azazi, 2011:90), which reflects human security concern for human welfare, needs and want. Human security is internally oriented and invariably a sub-set of national security.

The “acute relevance” of national security reflects the huge annual security allocation of states, international organizations, and allies to deter or confront security challenges, primarily in the era of the persistent terrorist attacks and conflicts, particularly in Africa. The United Nations Development Report (UNDP) 1994 and the event of September (9/11) in the United States of America marked the unprecedented swift response in the new approach to the security issue, in terms of human security and fight for terrorism. The existential security challenges posed by Al-Qaeda, ISIS, El-Shabbab, the Janjaweed and Boko Haram have combined to constitute a serious threat to the international community, including poverty, unemployment, inequality, and human rights abuse. Nigeria being part of the global community is not immune to these security threats to her internal and external security. It is in this context that the book focusses on the human security threat in the post military era (2001-2021, its causes and consequences.

On this backdrop, the book examines Nigeria’s internal security policy in the post-military dispensation, aimed to determine sources of human insecurity and by extension the internal security threats to Nigeria that are endemic across the country.

The preferred choice of Nigeria for the study is significant, timely and intentional. Besides her persistent poor leadership and failings in local and international rankings and discourse, Nigeria remained a weak and sleeping giant whilst other African countries are waiting to rise. Nigerian population, natural and human resources are too huge to be threatened and neglected by the international community because of her multiple internal security challenges. Internal peace and human security and development in Nigeria holds the promise to serve as a template for her neighbors and the rest of the African continent. With her enormous population the international community, particularly Africa cannot afford to cope with the mass exodus in the event of any serious internal conflict/war in Nigeria.

According to Osuji (2013:51) “threat to national security can be viewed from different perspectives; it can be viewed from the internal or external; it can be man-made or natural, real or imagined, remote or immediate, low or high level”. In each case, the state, human life, livelihood and wellbeing, property, and resources are continually at risk, which brings to the fore the need for state security. To this end, “a state is said to be secure and safe when it is protected and insulated from threat; and said to be insecure and unsafe when there is threat of any sort” (Aluko, 2008:15). According to Osuji (2013:15) “in contemporary times, the internal threats to the states have increased remarkably, while the threat from external sources such as inter-state wars have diminished”. It is on this premise that nation-states articulate “short, medium or long term” security policies to address real/potential internal or perhaps external threats to national security. Nigeria is not an exception to this universal standard practice.

For decades, events and the outcome in Nigeria have revealed that the country is faced with more of internal security challenges than external threats to her national security. Since the Nigerian independence in 1960, external threat has remained virtually non-existent. Besides the Nigerian-Cameroon border dispute and the subsequent court action over the oil-rich Bakassi Peninsula, which she lost to Cameroon after the “International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling in October 2002”, extant literature revealed that “the most potent threats to the Nigerian state, are the internal ones – the weak social structure and fragile economy” (GlobalSecurity.org). It is on this strength that the book focuses on the Nigerian internal security with emphasizes on threat to human security. Internal security threat “relates to those internal forces or factors, including the human element, which could undermine the socio-political, economic or general well-being and stability of states…” (Imobighe, 2013:7).

Literature evidence has shown that human security has remained a huge challenge that has assumed a worrisome dimension in Nigeria. Human security presupposes the capacity of a state to effectively protect its citizens, as well as “provide the basic needs of the people such as education, employment, health…” (Yusuf, 2012:61). Effective human security and to a larger extent internal security hold the promise of national unity, political stability, economic growth, and a crime free environment. They guarantee human rights as well as development and by extension a boost to a country’s national defense and foreign policy. Therefore, it is unreasonable for Nigeria to remain insecure despite her security capabilities because of lack of deserved attention to threats to human security and to a significant extent human development. Nwolise (2011:406) observed that:

“A country may have the best armed forces in terms of training and equipment, the most efficient police force, the most active security service agents, and the best quality prison, and yet are the most insecure nation in the world, as a result of defense and security problems from within, bad government, alienated and suffering masses, ignorance, hunger, unemployment, or even activities of foreign residents or companies”.

In this sense, human security equates “security with people not just territory, individuals not just nations, development not through arms” (Haq, 1995:115). Human security holds that “a people-centered notion of security is a sine qua non for national, regional and global peace and stability” (Mbachu, 2011: ix). It is on record that since the return to civil rule, “Nigeria is said to have witnessed over 300 violent ethno-religious, communal and political conflicts of varying intensities and magnitude” (Osuji, 2013:49), coupled with “endemic corruption, extreme poverty, massive unemployment and poor economic growth” (National Defense Policy, 2006:12).

The key source of human insecurity in Nigeria can be historically traced from different perspectives, namely the nature of internal security policy that was adopted by the British colonial administration which focused on economic and regime protection as against human security. Subsequently, the Nigerian first-generation political elites at independence religiously adopted this pattern of security policy approach to the detriment of human welfare and development. Hence, most studies on the Nigerian internal security are basically oriented towards defense and physical security with less emphasis on the well-being and the happiness of the people. In this regard, human safety and development has for decades been relegated to the background or better put marginalized in the Nigerian internal security policy. It can also be expressed in the ineffective internal security policy implementation, decades of intermittent military intervention in Nigerian government and politics, especially in the mid -1980s to late 1990s. Again, persistent arms proliferation across Nigerian shared porous borders, clueless economic policy makers, inadequate infrastructure development, marginalization of some ethnic nationalities, unequal resource allocation, particularly in the sharing of oil wells, poor political leadership, and human rights abuse combined to constitute varying sources of Nigerian internal security challenges.

Human insecurity according to Otolorin (2017:1) “has taken various shapes and faces in Nigeria crisscrossing the six regions and the 36 states of the federation… for instance in the South-South kidnapping, militancy and armed robberies, in the southeast communal clashes and agitation for secession, in the north cattle rustling, banditry, ethno-religious violence, herdsmen crisis, Boko Haram and terrorism, while in the southwest, cult rivalry and arm robbery persist”. Furthermore, Egharevba et al (2016:27) argue that “the lack of access to essential goods and services for a dignified human existence, the unevenness in the distribution of incomes and fruits of economic growth… self-esteem, and freedom coupled with the prevalence of ethnic, religious, gender differences and orientations have generated violence, unrests, war, terrorism and deepened social conflict-which reinforce the condition of growing social inequality”. Additionally, the “failure of successive administration in Nigeria to address challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequitable distribution of wealth among ethnic nationalities are the major causes of insecurity in Nigeria” (Nwagboso, 2012, cited in Okah, 2014:7). Alluding to the above position, Akpotor and Oromareghake (2013:67) point out that “the flood gate that releases them was consequent upon the democratic space opened by the 1999 democracy”. They observed that the causes of these are rooted in but are not limited to the corruption of the elites, increasing unemployment, underemployment, attendant poverty, and insensitivity to critical demands by regional groupings. The effect of the above condition has “constantly disrupted good governance, caused massive deaths, created an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, threatened the corporate existence of the nation and portrayed Nigeria poorly at the international scene” (Osuji, 2013:49).

Regrettably, human security remained a neglected area in the Nigerian internal security policy formulation, implementation, monitoring and research as demonstrated in “the increase in military expenditure which reduces government budget in critical areas such as health, agriculture, education, and critical infrastructure; thereby intensifying peoples’ vulnerabilities to hunger, diseases, poverty, inequality, illiteracy, violence, degradation, and attacks” (Okolie, Nnamani, and Nwoke, 2021:1). According to Okolie et al (2021:17) “Nigeria’s prioritization of state-centric security architecture which reflected markedly in the consistent rise in military expenditure and the concomitant negligence cum underfunding of the critical areas of human development … has impacted negatively on human security”. For example, Nigeria spent 5.92%, 26.02%, 8.95% and 38,04% on annual defense budget in 2017, 2018, 2019 and 2020, respectively. In the same period her annual education budget stood at 0.18%, 0.09%, 0,72% and 0.01%, while the expenditure on health sector was 18.84%, 6.91%, 9.94% and 7.39% in 2015, 2016, 2017 and 2018, respectively (Macrotrends 2022).

Despite the aforesaid anomalies, the Nigerian politicians from all spheres of government have persistently appropriated unprecedented huge budgets to themselves, particularly the National Assembly to the detriment of human security and development. Ajulor (2018:1-2) discovered that “Nigeria and most countries in Africa have entered economic recessions because of policy implementation challenges such as unrealistic goal setting, political patronage, neglect of target beneficiaries and lack of consideration of policy environment”. Similarly, Nwagboso (2016:38) maintains that “the deteriorating security situation in Nigeria is partly because policy makers lacked the requisite knowledge to formulate robust internal security policies and effective strategies to mitigate human security in the country”, hence human insecurity has continued to constitute a serious threat to the socioeconomic and political development of Nigerian citizens.

It is instructive to note that human insecurity is not peculiar to Nigeria. At the international level, for instance the Arab world experienced similar human insecurity and welfare challenges that resulted in the 2011 Arab spring uprising that toppled the dictatorial regimes in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt in North Africa. The uprisings marked the genesis of the civil war in Syria, Yemen, and virtually dragged the governments of Algeria and Morocco to its knees. Specifically, the unresolved and unattended socio-economic and political human security needs inherent in these countries, such as poverty, unemployment, inequality, human rights abuse, and dictatorial tendencies of their leaders hugely contributed to the uprising. To say the least, Johnson (2012:9) observed that “there was little opportunity for upward mobility of the lower classes. At the very worst—a trend evident in all the countries involved in the Arab uprising show a significant lack of human rights and human security”. Lack of human needs and or security can be fingered as the major obstacle that propelled internal insecurity in the affected countries. Nweke (2011:106) observed that human need for existence, survival, security, protection, affection, participation, creativity, understanding, and identity is irrepressible and shared by all people irrespective of social status. He stated that no matter how a society or system tries to frustrate or suppress these needs, it will either fail or cause far more damage on the long run. The current situation of insecurity in Nigeria has reached a crisis and critical level such that if measures are not taken to avert this horrible trend, the like of the Arab spring is eminent, hence the time to act is now.

The importance of sustainable human security in Nigeria cannot be over-emphasized; hence the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, affirmed in Section 14 (2b) that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government”. Based on this provision the Nigerian National Security Policy recognized the significance of “non-military and people-centered issues of security which are collectively referred to as human security. Ogunedo (2011:31) identified issues that come under human security to include freedom of individuals from persecution, want and fear, adequate provision of essential commodities such as food, water and shelter, environmental issues, the protection of culture and religious values”. He further stated that “when the human security aspects of national security are adequately addressed, it becomes much easier to guarantee the full spectrum of activities that constitute national security”. In the same vein, Otolorin (2017:2) notes that “peace and human security are very vital for the growth and development of any country. He maintained that the case of Switzerland and Singapore has shown that countries with relative peace and security tend to attract more direct and portfolio investment, while on the other hand countries like Somalia, Niger, Nigeria, and Sudan characterized by civil unrest, communal and ethnic clashes, terrorism, ethno-religious violence, armed robbery, kidnapping, and political assassinations attract low investment”.

To tackle insecurity, the Nigerian state “established the armed forces, police, security agencies and paramilitary forces” (Mbachu, 2013: vii). Fundamentally, the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) in conjunction with the Customs, Immigration, Correctional Service, and other public and private security agencies are solely responsible for Nigerian internal security. Chapter 3 Section 13 of the Nigerian National Defense Policy document also affirms that “internal security is the primary responsibility of the Nigerian Police and other paramilitary forces. Nevertheless, … the armed forces have additional responsibility to assist civil power in terms of civil disturbances, insecurity, as well as conduct counter insurgency operations as authorized by the president” (NNDP, 2006:14).

However, despite these efforts to maintain internal peace and security in the country the issue of insecurity remained insurmountable and has continued to pose a hydra headed challenge to the Nigerian authorities. According to Otolorin (2017:3-4) “the government, both at the state and federal level, have set up and inaugurated various security outfits, Peace Corps, Civil Defense, Joint Task Force (JTF), … but with little or no significant success in aggregate terms”. Furthermore, the government has also “embarked on criminalization of terrorism by passing the Anti-Terrorism Act in 2011, installed Computer-based Closed Circuit Television Cameras (CCTV) in some major cities… aimed at deterring or disrupting potential attacks, strengthening of security agencies through the provision of security facilities and the development and broadcast of security tips in mass media” (Mbachu & Batura, 2013: vii). Besides, there were also concerted effort by the Nigerian authorities via the National Planning Commission (NPC) … to tackle high rates of poverty and vulnerability in the country (Hagen-Zanker & Holmes, 2012:1).

On the issue of political corruption, the present administration led by President Mohammadu Buhari was quoted to have recovered huge sums of money, including the Abacha loots, as well as confiscated and sold properties acquired fraudulently by the political class and their cronies. However, some critics are of the opinion that the government is not committed in rooting out corruption because of the way the crime fighting agencies in Nigeria, particularly the Economic and Finance Crime Commission (EFCC), National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), and Independence and Corrupt practices and other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) are going about it, targeting, harassing, and arresting political opponents at federal and state levels of government.

Extant literature on the threats to human security in Nigeria revealed an array of evidence of arrests and prosecutions of perpetrators of crime against humanity, but there is less emphasis on the legislative measures to compensate the crime victims. Egbuji (2018:31) observes that, “some of the state laws and the one enacted by the National Assembly prescribed death penalty for convicted kidnappers in whose hands victims died, and long-term imprisonment for convicts in situations where the victims were not killed… in spite of the trauma, injury, loss of money and even life in some cases, the society is yet to appreciate the need for victims to be compensated”.

In this this book, the authors approached the Nigerian internal security challenges from two perspectives: the need for human protection (freedom from fear), and the urgent need for human welfare (freedom from want). The essence is to strike a balance between human survival and human welfare with the understanding that “life must be secure before man thinks about how to eat, clothe and shelter himself and then proceed to talk about politics, culture and ideology” (Aja-Akporu Aja, 1999:31). For Nigeria to overcome the menace of human insecurity, specifically human welfare and the well-being of its citizens, there is the need for a comprehensive review beyond amendment to the Nigerian internal security policy aimed to address the old and new threats to human security.

The decades of continued neglect of human security in the Nigerian internal security policy has negatively impacted on the effort to address human security concerns. The Nigerian internal security comprises physical safety of life and property, in addition to social protection and development of its citizens. Extant literature revealed that the human security policy issue in Nigeria is a relatively neglected area of study, in contrast to the remarkable scholarly efforts and attention given to defense and foreign policy. Besides, most of the existing works on human security in Nigeria appears to be basically desktop research filled with information already in the public domain. Consequently, there seem to be limited primary data on human security, welfare and development that deal with comparative data analysis, interpretation, and discussion of research findings on the threat to human security in Nigeria. This identified lacuna in the existing literature informed the choice of this endeavor, aimed to expanding the human security frontier with emphasis on the need for sustainable social security policy and development programs in Nigeria.

Since the civilian rule in Nigeria, the level of human insecurity has assumed a national emergency dimension, a situation which threatens to destroy Nigeria as an indivisible entity (Mbachu, 2013:26). According to Nwolise (2013:125) “a large part of the insecurity pathogens has been self-inflicted because the Nigerian state has allowed social injustice, corruption, unemployment, arrogance of power, and poverty to reign in the land for too long.”

The impact of human insecurity and poor governance on the Nigerian economy, political process, infrastructure, and development cannot be quantified or measured in monetary terms, however it is clear to observers that human insecurity has cost Nigeria enormous human and material resources (Adegbami, 2013;25). The frequent insurgency attacks on state institutions and private houses in Nigeria, particularly in the north-east have resulted in the kidnappings and killings of innocent citizens, the displacement of women, children, and other vulnerable groups to the neighboring states of Niger, Chad, and Cameroon, while agricultural and business activities have drastically reduced productivity. Campbell (2018:12) observes that “from May 2011 – April 2018, insurgency, militia and ethnic crisis, religious riots, farmers and herdsmen clashes, soldiers, civilian killings and police extra-judicial murder in Nigeria has taken the life of 51,115 citizens” (Council for Foreign Relations, 2018). In the same vein, “Amnesty International estimated that by October 2016 the Boko Haram insurgency had led to the death of several thousands of people and displaced well over 2 million persons in north-eastern Nigeria. This makes Nigeria home to the largest number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Sub Saharan Africa, 16 percent of about 12, 5 million IDPs on the continent” (Ojo, 2017:19). Similarly, “an assessment carried out amongst 207 local government areas in northern Nigeria revealed that, while a geographically expansive and densely populated northwestern state like Kano had 3,331 IDPs, the comparatively sparsely populated three north-eastern states of Borno, Adamawa and Yobe had 1,434,149, 136,010 and 131,203 IDPs respectively” (IDMC, 2015, cited in Ojo, 2017:19). Presently, local, and foreign bandits in Nigeria have virtually taken over the entire northern Nigeria, precisely Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina and Kaduna, Niger, Yobe and Adamawa, kidnapping citizens for ransom and engaging in extra-judicial killings of innocent Nigerians. Importantly, sociopolitical, and economic challenges, such as poverty, unemployment, economic inequality, political corruption, and human rights abuse have combined to constitute an enduring threat to human security in Nigeria. The Nigerian National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) says “the country’s unemployment rate rose from 14.2% to 18.8% in 2017, while the labor population increased from 83.9 million in the second quarter to 85.1 million in the third quarter of 2017” (NBS 2017, cited in Vanguard Newspapers, December 23, 2017:1).

According to the World Poverty Clock Report (2018:5) “Nigeria has overtaken India as the country with the largest number of people living in extreme poverty, the report says extreme poverty in Nigeria is growing by six people every minute, the highest number in the world. At the end of May 2018, the survey showed that “Nigeria had an estimated 87 million people in extreme poverty, compared to India’s 73 million”. “In the list of top 10 extremely poor countries, Nigeria leads with 86.9 million people and is closely followed by the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) with 60.9 million people” (The Nigerian Daily Post Newspaper 25, June 2018). Shockingly, within a short period of four years the figure rose to 133 million making Nigeria the global capital of people living in poverty (National Bureau of Statistics Report, 2022).

In the same vein, the International Centre for Investigative Report (2018:15) on inequality show that “Nigeria’s position in the ranking has remained constant for two years in a row. Among the 157 countries ranked in terms of their commitment to reducing inequality, Nigeria took the last position at 157. The ranking was done based on three major indicators – social spending, tax, and labor rights”. The report added that Nigeria performed low with regards to respect for women in the workplace and the enforcement of gender rights… and more than 10 million children do not go to school while sixty percent of these children are girls, the report concludes.

In a more recent study undertaken by Khan and Durowaiye (2013: 84-85) on culture and gender dimension in education observe in a National Literacy Statistics, (UNESCO, 2013) reported an overall literacy of 51% amongst young Nigerians. Despite the influence of modern values, empirical evidence suggest that several factors have continued to widen the gender gap and subjugate women to inferior and marginalized positions. For instance, among the young population, from ages 15 and above, suggests a gender disparity between males and females comprising 61.38% and 38.62% respectively. Similarly, for the adult population aged 15-24 years, the literacy rate was found to be 66% for males and 34% for females (UNESCO, 2013). This observed gender discrepancy has implications for women’s social, economic, and cultural rights, and denial of their human rights as full Nigerian citizens. Hence the view of Martin (2018:14) holds true as he argues that “combating inequality is not about being the wealthiest country or being the one with the biggest economy, rather it is about having the political will to pass and put into practice the policies that will narrow the gap between the ultra-rich and the poor”.

The above staggering statistics indicate that despite her abundant human and natural resources, the Nigerian government appears not able to manage the triple challenges of poverty, unemployment, and inequality, and by extension other threats to human security. Based on the above human insecurity indices, one can argue that the past and present administration have failed to successfully implement social security policies designed to alleviate the plight of the poor in Nigerian society.

Sequel to the above, the underlying objective of this effort is to reflect on the human security threats to Nigeria in the post – military era, causes, consequences and finding solutions. The specific objectives of the book are:

To examine the major causes of human insecurity in Nigeria
To examine the socio-economic consequences of human insecurity
To investigate the factors that sustained human insecurity.
To propose measures to improve human insecurity in Nigeria.

On this premise, this book assumed the following:

(a) That Nigeria is faced with more of internal security challenges than external threat to her national security. (b) That the genesis of human insecurity in Nigeria can be traced to the historical and enduring legacy of the colonial administration whose primary security effort was focused on regime protection and economic benefit. (c) That the activities of armed bandits and ethnic militia groups operating in virtually all the geopolitical space in Nigeria constitutes an existential threat to human security and by default Nigerian internal security. (d) That human insecurity in Nigeria is a consequence of leadership deficit and poor governance expressed in weak public institutions and the government’s inability to implement internal security policies.

The book will serve as new source of reference material to military and para-military security agencies, academics, civil society, human rights activist, policy makers, politicians, governmental and non-governmental organizations, students of security studies, and so forth. Importantly, it will also attempt to establish the nexus between effective internal security policy and human security and development. The essence is to ascertain to what extent has decades of neglect of human welfare issues such as poor health care and poor standard of education contributed to human insecurity in Nigeria. The study also seeks to sensitize the political elites, security policy makers and other stakeholders on the need to label key security threat elements for extra ordinary attention.

The outcome of this endeavor will provoke further research on human security and development, particularly on the burning issue of decolonizing Nigerian education system, downwards economic growth, social security, and health care. Furthermore, the book will benefit officers and men of the Nigerian security agencies in terms of policy direction and oversight, intelligence gathering and services, joint operation, and co-ordination.

The book focusses on Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory of Nigeria. Nigeria is the “economic hub” of West Africa, and the biggest economy in Africa as well as the most populous country in the entire black race with an estimated urban/rural population of about 200 million people. The country has porous international borders with Cameroon, Chad, and Niger. Nigeria is a diverse country with about 360 ethnic nationalities of which Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba are the major and dominant tribes. Despite her diverse human and natural endowment, coupled with huge foreign earnings, Nigeria is still grappling with socio-economic and political issues of human insecurity.

The book covers the period 2006 to 2021. This was a period within which issues of human security found expression in Nigerian internal security strategy and development after the Nigeria-Biafra War. The period witnessed unprecedented surge in insurrection, armed robbery and banditry, Fulani herdsmen and farmers conflicts, post-election violence, infrastructure decay, police brutality, human rights abuse, ethnic and religious bigotry. In addition to deteriorating health care and education systems and development, including abject poverty and acute unemployment, poor governance and disobedient to rule of law are part of the focus of this book. Hence the present democratic dispensation is characterized by persistent agitations, marginalization, and neglect, particularly people from the southeast, the Niger Delta, southwest, and the northeast geopolitical zones of the country.

Due to the complexity and vast nature of security studies, the authors limited the study on Nigerian internal security with emphases on threats to human security. Security issues that border on defense, civil-military relations, peacekeeping, peace enforcement, peace building, cyber security and international terrorism were not part of the study. The authors are also aware of the secrecy surrounding the security related issues and the ethnic and religious diversity that characterize the Nigerian state. To this end, sensitive information classified as top secret that might implicate participants or provoke the authorities were carefully, consciously, and tactically avoided without compromising the quality of information obtained.

Conclusion

The chapter x-rayed the general background of the Nigerian internal security policy, with emphasis on the major challenges of human security in Nigeria. The section appraised the existential threats to human security, stating facts, figures, statistics, event, and outcome inherent in Nigerian internal security. The study objectives, rationale, and justification of the study, including the methodological approach was identified and brilliantly discussed. The chapter revealed that human insecurity is nonetheless a Nigerian phenomenon citing same situation as the major cause(s) of the Arab springs in 2011. The chapter also summarized the geo-location of the study and the time frame of the book (2006-2021).

CHAPTER TWO

Conceptual Foundations for the Understanding of Human Security in Nigeria

Introduction

This chapter highlights the key operational terms that could enable the reader to better understand the factors that constitutes an understanding of human security threats to Nigerian internal security in the post military era. The chapter explores relevant meanings and scholarly works on the following security concepts: internal security, Nigerian internal security policy, internal threat, post-military era, human welfare, human development, human rights, environmental security, personal security, and community security. The essence is to provide and guide the reader with meanings, ideas and new framework of thinking and understanding the phenomenon.

Internal security

Internal security is the “edifice” of a nation’s defense and security. It is the undisputable lens through which the concepts of human security can be viewed, discussed, analyzed, and understood. Internal security entails measures to safeguard a state from all manner of danger, disruption, real and perceived threats to life and property, symbolic government institutions and infrastructure or distractions from the daily activities of the population of a state. It therefore presupposes a condition of absence of fear from all internal threats that have the capacity to undermine the state, human security, and development. According to Matazu (2013:49) “internal security is considered as the state of law-and-order prevailing within a nation. It is the act of keeping peace within the borders of a sovereign state or other self-governing territories”. “Internal security is the summation of the security of individuals, their environment and the preservation of independence and sovereignty of a nation-state” (Mbachu, 2013:22). A nation with an insecure environment is doomed to internal upheaval and possible disintegration. Internal security management therefore is the constitutional mandate of the police in conjunction with other sister paramilitary security agencies. The Nigerian police is primarily responsible for the “prevention and control of crime and disorder as well as the detection, apprehension and persecution of perpetrators of crimes and violence in society” (Alemika, 2013:290). In extreme emergency cases or “total breakdown of law and order the military is drawn in to boost operational confidence and capacity of the police and other security and intelligence outfits” (Aja Akpuru-Aja, 1999:32). Instances of military deployment in Nigerian internal security are bound, namely – the Nigerian-Biafra Civil War of 1967, the military operation in Odi community in Rivers State in 2006, the Jos military operation in Plateau State in 2001, the Zamfara joint operation in 2000, Operation python dance 1, 2 in 2017, and 3 in the southeast in 2018, and the current joint military task force battling Boko Haram insurgency in 2009-2015 …, and bandits in Zamfara in 2021, Benue in 2001, Kanu in 2001, Katsina 2020, Niger 2021, and Sokoto states in 2022. Scholars are of the view that insecurity in Nigeria has culminated in the massive and frequent involvement of the military in internal security and usurpation of police mandate. In some cases, the issue of command and control appears to have slowed joint operations between the police and the military. The frequent involvement of the military in internal security has not only exposed the agency to public scrutiny but also overstretched their constitutional mandate – the protection of Nigerian territory. It is worthy to note that security is not an exclusive preserve of the paramilitary and military forces. In security parlance, security awareness and consciousness ought to be the primary responsibility of everyone.

Nigeria’s internal security policy

States around the world are confronted with different forms of threats or crisis that endanger not only the lives and properties of their citizens, but also in some cases their very existence (Zabadi, 2011:84). With an estimated 180 million people, Nigeria is the most populated country in Africa. It is also the largest oil producer, and one of the continent’s major economic and military powers (Bala and Ouédraogo, 2018:1). While Nigeria is making tremendous progress in sustaining her democratic rule since 1999, the internal security sector remains precarious, faced with myriads of physical and non-violence human security threat challenges. This is currently expressed in the old and emerging threats of banditry and kidnapping for ransom, porous international borders, self-determination movements across southern Nigeria, ethno-political and religious crisis, inadequate funding of paramilitary security agencies, increase in point of sale (POS) crime and cyber-scam. Including weak justice system, multi-dimensional poverty, particularly in the northern part of Nigeria, high rate of joblessness among the youth, astronomical increase of school drop-out in basic education, corruption in public and private sectors, trust deficit between security agents and the masses, particularly the Nigerian Police Force. Based on these infamous development, Nigeria, just as other nations of the world developed its national security strategy to protect its sovereignty, the lives, and properties of her citizens from all forms of attack and vulnerability. Basically, there are no stand-alone text document specifically meant for Nigeria’s internal security policy, rather an integrated national security strategy designed to shield the citizens from internal and external security threats. The overarching objective of Nigerian national security strategy remained to:

Promote crisis response and resilience,
Combating terrorism and countering violent extremism,
Preventing and combating kidnapping, armed banditry and militia activities,
Critical national assets and infrastructure security, and
Securing ungoverned spaces (National Security Strategy, 2019).

According to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) Chapter 2 (Sections 16 & 17) stipulates the basis for the provision of social protection in the country, to include:

secure maximum welfare, freedom, and happiness of every citizen on the basis of social justice and equality of status and opportunity,
provide suitable and adequate shelter, suitable and adequate food, reasonable national minimum living wage, old age care and pensions, and unemployment, sick benefits, and welfare of the disabled, and
ensure that all citizens have the opportunity for securing, adequate means of livelihood as well as adequate opportunity to secure suitable employment (CFRN 1999).

The goal of internal security therefore is to create a safe and secure environment for the pursuit of peace, personal well-being, prosperity, and development (National Security Strategy, 2019:21), hence the Nigeria’s internal security policy framework is designed to address real or perceived human security threat challenges and opportunities. At the core of the policy is the people, boiled down on the strategic measures (short or long term) to deal with all levels of threats to individual safety, welfare, assets, and development. It covers efforts made to guarantee and promote peace and order within a state by addressing or containing sources of threats or dangers emanating within its territory (Zabadi, 2011:87).

In general terms, and as alluded earlier, the security of any nation is the responsibility of everyone – the citizens and foreign nationals residing in or transiting the republic. At the institutional level, it is the statutory duty vested on the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in conjunction with all security agencies established by law, (National Security Summit Report, 2021). The Nigerian internal security architecture majorly comprised the Nigerian Police Force (NPF), Federal Safety Corps (FRSC), Nigeria Prisons Service (NPS), Nigeria Security and Civil Defense Corps (NSCDC), Nigeria Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) and Nigeria Immigration and Customs, in addition to ministries of labor and productivity, environment, women affairs and social development, education and youth development. It therefore behooves these institutions to design and implement short- and long-term internal security policies to protect and safeguard the welfare and well-being of the Nigerian population.

Internal threat

A threat can be explained to mean “anything that constitutes a danger to a country’s territory, the life of its people, its political, economic and social systems, and its sovereignty; indeed, anything that jeopardizes a nation’s core values” (Fwa, 2007:104). Put differently, Imobighe (1992:104) defines a threat as a “declaration of intent to injure, harm or punish an opponent usually with a view to restraining his freedom of action or changing his future behavior along a desired direction”. For a threat to take place, two parties must be involved: “on one side stands the threatening party who demands something, and on the other side is the threatened party, who must decide under pressure, whether he will give in to the demand or resist” (Krause & Vale, 1983:6).

The internal threat of a state therefore represents anything that disturbs the socio-economic and political values and stability of the state. Besides, threat is all about the moves, action, or inaction that are designed to undermine formal or informal human activities, classified in two categories: violent and non-violent threats. The former signifies high intensity conflict or activity against the state and its citizens capable of overthrowing a legitimate government, or cause injury, harm, or deaths, while the latter is all about intangible threat issues capable of disorienting societies and state authorities, such as, but not limited to human rights abuse, domestic and gender-based violence, poverty, unemployment, and income inequality. With reference to the Nigerian state, factors that constitutes internal threat to peace and security emanates from various sources; insurgency, banditry, kidnaping, corruption, poor economic policy, economic sabotage, gender inequality, religious bigotry, and cyber-crime.

From the intelligence and analytical lens, a threat can be real or imagined, it can also be assessed from a levels point of view, such as “low (means an attack is highly unlikely), Moderate (means an attack is possible, but not likely), Substantial (means an attack is likely), Severe (means an attack is highly likely), Critical means an attack is highly likely in the near future)” in that order of importance or danger (MI5 Security Service). Threat analysis is a “function of timely and adequate intelligence information necessary to determine the level of danger posed by the threat and the most appropriate means of reaction or response” (Aja Akpuru-Aja, 1999:37-38). A country’s internal security strategy and response is therefore determined by the nature and the level of threat, the extent of danger to the people and the available resources of the state to pursue and contain it.

Post-military era

Nigeria gained her independence on October 1, 1960. In 1963 the British monarch, Queen Elizabeth 11 granted her autonomy status that marked the end of the British administrative control of the Nigerian colonial territory. Subsequently, from 1963-1966 Nigeria became a republic governed by the first republican constitution based on a federal form of the Westminster governance0 system. This arrangement was short lived and disrupted by two infamous events in Nigerian history – the bloody military coup of January 15, 1966, and the unfortunate 3-year Nigeria-Biafra War that ended in 1970. The Second Nigerian Republic was a brief formation of the Nigerian state which succeeded the military governments formed after the overthrow of the first republic, while the third Republic (1992–1993) was an unsuccessful attempt to restore Nigeria to democracy initiated by General Ibrahim Babangida.

The post-military era signifies a period after the decades of military involvement in the Nigerian government and politics, otherwise referred to in the Nigerian political parlance as the fourth republic. Put differently, it is the period when the military retired to the barracks after years of misrule and “unenthusiastically surrendered power” to the democratically elected civilian government in 1999. In terms of internal security, the post-military era was the time when the civilian government of Nigeria under former President Olusegun Obasanjo “formally lay down a policy framework governing the conduct of defense and security in Nigeria since the end of the Nigeria-Biafra Civil War in 1967, with the objectives to advancing Nigerian national security interest, containment of instability… and improvement of the welfare and well-being and quality of the life of every citizen” (Nigerian National Defense Policy 2006:2). In other words, and perhaps for the first time the issue of human welfare and security found an expression and space in the Nigerian internal security policy architecture, as stipulated in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, Chapter 11, Section 14 (2b), “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government”.

This laudable feat of President Obasanjo informed the timeframe of this study. Before this period, human security was virtually a nonissue in the socio-economic, political and development agenda of the military administration, hence human security was relegated to the background. For this reason, the return of civilian rule was climaxed by insecurity because of the decades of the neglect of human needs and security. The post-military era also seems to have been engulfed in anti-social activities and crime resulting in extra-judicial killings, police brutality, neglect of individual welfare, endemic and systemic corruption, multi-dimensional poverty, underemployment, economic inequality and civil unrest and disobedience. Mbachu (2013: vii–viii) captured this period when he succinctly expressed that “since the return to democratic rule in May 1999, Nigeria has witnessed several security challenges in the form of militancy, kidnapping, armed robbery, political assassination, arms proliferation, piracy, ethnic-religious conflicts, and monumental corruption. He alluded that the emergence of Boko Haram insurgency in July 2009 heralded the worst kind of security challenge to the Nigerian nation”. Conversely, Nwolisa observed that, “a large part of the insecurity pathogens has been self-inflicted because the Nigerian state for too long allowed social injustice, corruption, unemployment, arrogance of power, and poverty to reign in the land” (2013: 125–138). The good news remained that since the 1999 democratic dispensation, Nigeria has not experience military coup or illegitimate change of government. She has witnessed and enjoyed decades of uninterrupted democratic rule, despite serious challenges in her electoral process.

Social welfare

Welfare means prosperity, health, or happiness of an individual or group of people … it is generally regarded as a way of fulfilling and measuring the minimal level of social support who lack in achievement of a standard living set for society (IJR Online 2018). The idea of social welfare has its roots in the 17th century, when philosopher John Locke described what he called a “social contract.” Under this arrangement, he maintained, people would only agree to become part of a community with others — giving up some of their individual freedoms — if it would help them protect themselves and their families.

Social/human welfare presupposes efforts and policies put in place to alleviate the plight of the people, particularly those with low economic income, the aged citizen and those who are physically and mentally challenged. The core focus of social welfare is the people. Therefore, any concerned and responsible government and careering society ought to aid individuals and families in need. It entails economic and non-economic assistance from local and international governments, civil society, individuals, and faith-based organizations. Human welfare can be achieved via government investment assistance and opportunities, youth empowerment, support grants, trade and commerce, individual self-initiative, and foreign assistance. In advanced economies or democracies, welfare programs are designed to assist those that have lost their jobs, poor income earners, as well as the impoverished people in the society. The essence is to instill a sense of belonging to the low-income earners, reduce poverty and assist the people enjoy good life, good health, happiness, and socio-economic prosperity. Human welfare appears to be one of the key areas where the Nigerian government, past and present have failed abysmally in terms of budget allocation, policy implementation and monitoring, compared to other sectors, such as defense and infrastructure.

Human development

Development is a hydra-headed concept with many connotations; hence it incorporates human development, infrastructure, economic, political, and social development. Traditionally, the development was largely associated with “economic growth and development” which is a process of moving forward in terms of economic prosperity. According to the World Bank (WB) and International Monetary Fund (IMF) (2013), human development encouraged economic reforms to advance development in developing countries (Britton et al., 1975:1). In his work Development as Freedom, Sen, (1999:5) suggests that “political freedoms, freedom of opportunity and freedom in accessing credit, are just a few of the freedoms that can lead to development. This is an interesting view as it does not just focus on economic development”. Human development on the other hand is a broad approach to expanding the people’s choice or capabilities not only in terms of income, but also in areas such as health, education, technology, environment, and employment. It clearly holds that the socio-economic policies should focus on people and other well-being as the final objective, rather than focusing on economic growth or any other situation as an end in themselves (Alkire, 2003:35). The core of human development is the freedom of opportunities to excel in human endeavor and to live a better life. Educating a girl for instance, “would build her skills, but it is of little use if she is denied access to job or does not have the skills for the local labor market” (UNHDR, 2018). In Africa, human development appears not to have progressed to a level commensurate with those in advanced countries. The core indices and or measurement of human development index according to the United Nations Development program (UNDP) is premised on the rate and standard of education, health care system, economic growth, employment opportunities, and so forth. This framework has continued to be the cornerstone of the series of annual reports of UNDP since 1990 to date. Currently, the Human Development Index ranking for Nigeria in 2021/2022 stood at 0.534, indicating somewhere in the middle within a global context (UN Human Development Report, 2021/2022).

Human rights

The idea that the right of human beings should be elaborated and protected, is traced to many important landmarks, such as, in England the Magna Carta (1215), the Petition of Right (1628) and the Bill of Rights (1689), … in the eighteenth century the early ideas of natural law developed into acceptance of natural rights as legal rights… (Levin, 2012:20). Human right is a “moral claim” and entitlement which an individual or group ascribed to themselves in their relation with government and society. It entails all actions geared towards the protection and promotion of natural rights of people in a community. The United Nations defined human rights to mean rights inherent to all human beings, regardless of race, sex, nationality, ethnicity, language, religion, or any other status. These include the right to life and liberty, freedom from slavery and torture, freedom of opinion and expression, the right to work and education, and many more. Advancement of human rights is not an exclusive preserve of government or socio-political activists. In a natural sense it is a collective moral responsibility of everyone to preserve life and show concern in all issues that borders on human rights, needs and fulfilment. “A person is considered a right holder only if possessed of certain characteristics, like being able-bodied, land-owning adult male. The contemporary human rights idea, by contrast suggest that every human being, man, or woman, rich or poor, adult or child, healthy or sick, educated or not – holds human rights (Orend, 2002:15). Hence, human rights are synonymous with equity, justice, universality, and fair play. Human right violation irrespective of the source is a serious concern and a breach of the fundamental rights and human security threat expressed in the deprivation of human life (extra judicial killing) and basic needs, such as shelter, safe drinking water, affordable health care, access to quality education, political rights and so forth. The first international treaties concerning human rights were linked with the acceptance of freedom of religion, exemplified by the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, and the abolition of slavery (Levin, 2012:20).

Dembour (2010:2) revealed four “academic and political perspectives” through which human rights can be understood, namely, “natural scholars » conceive of human rights as given; « deliberative scholars » as agreed upon; « protest scholars » as fought for, and « discourse scholars » as talked about. For most natural scholars, human rights are entitlements that, at their core, are negative in character and thus, are absolute. Natural scholars believe that human rights exist independently of social recognition, even though recognition is preferable (Dembour, 2006:82). This idea presupposes a sense of prerogative and natural expectation from the political class and or management irrespective of circumstances. This sense of entitlement amounts to insensitivity of demand on the part of right advocates. Demour, (2010:2-3) opined that “entitlements are based on nature, » a short-cut which can stand for God … the universality of human rights is derived from their natural character. On the other hand, scholars and policymakers associated with the Deliberative School of thought emphasize that human rights are political values that socially liberal societies consciously choose to adopt. Human rights in this sense are not natural to people, and they only come to exist through social agreement and institutionalization (Merry 2006:220). This thought entails negotiation, wherein two or more parties come together to deliberate issues of concern in order to reach consensus and compromise, using constitutional laws as instruments of reference. It is instructive that under this deliberative arrangement the strength and weakness of the negotiators can influence or determine the outcome of the political process.

According to Dembour, (2010:4), the Protest School of thought is concerned first and foremost with redressing injustice … on behalf of the poor, the unprivileged, and the oppressed, … the scholars advocate relentlessly fighting for human rights, as one victory never signals the end of all injustice. The proponents of protest as a remedy to human rights injustice may come about because of failure of political settlement or negotiation. Relentless demand of human rights is a clear sign of selfishness on both divide which if not properly managed might result in the destruction of already existing benefits or services enjoyed by the protesters. Lastly, the Discourse School of thought believed that “human rights exist only because people talk about them. They are convinced that neither human rights are given nor that they constitute the right answer to the ills of the world, but they do recognize that the language surrounding human rights has become a powerful language with which to express political claims” (Dembour, 2010:4).

In the Nigerian context human rights demands appears to have taken the course of Deliberative and Protest Schools of thought wherein citizens must negotiate and or protest to the authorities/managements before their concerns are addressed, because leaders lack the willingness to provide human rights demands as stipulated by its own laws. For instance, in the developing economies it is common experience for students, workers, civil society and communities to engage political leaders on free education, salary increase, minimum or living wage, pension, gratuity and service delivery. In most cases these demands are perceived by government as threat, hence the process is often marred with coercion and brutal force to dislodge protesters resulting in crises and loss of life and livelihood.

Environmental security

Environmental security is one of the United Nations human security constructs described as a “conceptual envelop” that harbors array of issues aims to “protect people from the short and long-term ravages of nature, man-made threats in nature, and deterioration of the natural environment” (United Nations Development Program Report, 1994). Terriff, (1997:254) identified two basic areas to explain the concept of environmental security. “First, that environmental degradation and resource depletion can have adverse influence on the security of the state. He maintained that environmental change can be a source of conflict arising from disputes over degraded renewable resources such as fresh water and fish stock. Buttressing this point, Oguamanam, (2016), in a caption “How climate change is driving Nigeria’s herdsmen conflict” alluded that the ongoing tensions reflects, in a way, climate-induced resource scarcity that threatens food and national security. Second is the concern with the threat environmental change poses to the security of the individual”, such as pollution, drought, flood, and deforestation. Similarly, People and Williams (2015:110) drew attention to three area of concern: “the rates at which the earth is said to be in decay, levels of consumption of natural energy resources and the extent to which an increase in the global population is likely to further exacerbate these trends”. The point being made is that state-centric analysis of environmental changes without its implication on individual security and population growth is not only incomplete but inappropriate. Rapid technological advancement and the “narrower engineering perspectives’’ is that which results in the invention of new technologies without concern for side effects damaging to human health or the natural environment (Sprout and Sprout, 1971:18). Environmental security is understood as a foundation of human security more broadly, essential to sustainable livelihoods, health, and well-being among households and communities, and therefore central to achieving the mandate of the global environment facility (Nang, 2018:6).

In emerging economies, drought, oil spillage, refugee migration and lack of access to safe drinking water remained key sources of environmental threat challenges to human security, while natural disaster, such as earthquakes, volcanic eruption, tsunami, tornados, industrial waste, and pollution constitute security crisis amplifier and environmental hazards in advanced countries. The adverse effects of climate change, ecological changes, and natural disasters, among other factors, including desertification, land degradation, deforestation enable high levels of insecurity (National Security Summit Report 2021:58). The concentration of carbon dioxide, the main greenhouse gas, has reached levels not seen for 800,000 years (NBS News 2014). Environmental insecurity and climate change combined constitute unprecedented global food insecurity, especially in African continent, expressed in shortage of grain seeds importation from war torn Ukraine, increase in temperature, water absorption, insect pests and mental health, such as heat waves, hurricanes, and fires, which can “directly or indirectly cause human pathologies that are physical and mental” (Cianconi, Betrò, and Janiri, 2020), including destruction of public and private infrastructure, displacement of people from their ancestral homes, particularly women, children and people with disabilities.

For instance, oil spillage and the burning of excess natural gas extracted during oil pumping known as gas flaring, has created atmospheric condition and contamination in the oil producing region of the Niger Delta, in Nigeria (Uzodike and Isike, 2010:106). The biggest regular challenge experienced in the Niger Delta zone is the “human induced pressures on the environment”, caused by poor economic growth and development of the area, deprivation of basic amenities and deliveries, unemployment, and lack of access to sufficient land and rivers for traditional farming, fishing, transportation, religious practices, and safe drinking water. Further to the above is the impact of infrastructure development – construction of roads, railways, dams, and houses in rural and urban areas. These activities have directly or indirectly impacted on the free flow of rainwater causing massive erosion and floods in rural communities and cities. Climate change also impact on cultural heritage assets such as historical buildings, archeological sites, and monuments, their contents, and collections, as well as their intangible aspects are a legacy from our past that lend a sense of place, identity, and aesthetic wellbeing to local populations (Phillips, 2015). For decades, efforts to mitigate environmental degradation and climate change by nation-states, non-governmental organizations, environmental activists, and communities seem not to have yielded the desired objectives. Industrialized states hugely responsible for carbon emissions, primarily the United States, China, India, Brazil, and most European countries appear reluctant to genuinely negotiate in good faith with other stakeholders and to make financial commitment to protect humanity from environmental damage and calamity.

Personal Security

Every insecurity is threat-oriented emanating from myriads of sources, primarily “political economic, military” or the individual. In the traditional state-centric security analysis individual welfare and development were ab initio out of focus and virtually non-existence. The idea of human security in contrast to the traditional system was aimed to expand the frontier, scope and meaning of security to include non-military aspects of safety. In this sense, the referent object of security become exclusively the individual human rather than the state, hence the origin of the concept of human security, in this case personal security. Evidently, personal security is one of the appendages of the United Nations human security paradigm which objectively was aimed to “protect people from physical violence, domestic abuse, or other predatory persons” (Webster’s Dictionary). Personal security is a “multi-dimensional and all-inclusive concept, which not only seeks to satisfy a person’s survival needs, but also aims at the creation of conditions conducive to the sustenance of a healthy and peaceful life” (Motoure, 2005:97). The focus here is basically on personal and personality safety and security. From a normative perspective, personal or personality security mirrors varying measures to shield the people or those in authority (elected and accredited) and very important personalities (VIPs) members of the society from physical harm and human abuse during their daily activities. People’s well-being is certainly higher if they do not fear becoming a victim of crime, especially a serious crime like homicide (OECD, 2011). In a subjective sense, it reflects a security void, danger, and concern of losing core human values and principles, for instance personal identity, cherished cultural practices, fundamental human rights and fulfilment, freedom after speech, good health, rights to live and livelihood. According to the United Nations program report 1994, personal security is aptly described to mean “physical violence, war, discrimination, domestic violence and child abuse” (UNDP, 1994). It falls within the moral and constitutional obligation of any government to provide effective human welfare and development policies for her citizens, prevent potential threat and guaranty the safety of the people residing in the state. Therefore, it behoves the police and relevant internal security cluster, in addition to private security institutions to provide measures for safeguarding vulnerable citizens from internal belligerence. Individual safety at home, workspace, street, event places, and communities is something that we all want and something that we do not want to obsess over either.

From the practical lens of analysis, there appears to be a miss-march of meaning of the concept of personal security in Nigeria, and perhaps Africa. In Nigeria, for instance the number of police officers attached to politicians and government officials, including very important personalities (VIPs) outweighs the number of citizen’s ratio for police protection. “Police-to-citizen ratio in Nigeria currently stood at 1:400 national average, but far worse in states/rural areas. For example, in the case of Bayelsa state, the ratio is 1 police officer to 2,321 citizens, in Kano the most populous city in Nigeria one police officer is in charge of 1,603 (Chinwokwu, 2017:14). The situation in some African countries appears to be the same, even higher than the UN standard. According to the Kenyan National Bureau of Statistics, personnel police ratio to citizens stands at 1:448, while in Ghana the ratio is 1:1200 and, in South Africa the figure stood at 1:383 (Michele Clarke, (2022).

Despite the inadequate police to citizens ratio that falls above global standard, thousands of policemen are assigned as personal security to politicians and VIPs across the six geo-political zones in Nigeria. In a shocking revelation, the Police Public Relations Officer, Jimoh Moshood once said during an interview that a Nigerian governor has about 221 policemen in his security detail” (Daily Trust, December 28, 2017). He also revealed that the 36 ministers in the country have an average of five policemen each, totaling 180, attached to them for protection. Members of the National Assembly also have police protection; Senate President and Deputy Senate President have 67 and 80 police personnel attached to them, in that order, while the rest of 106 other senators have at least one police officer each for personal police protection. The Speaker of the House of Representative has 30 police officers attached to his office. His deputy and other principal officers have more than two each, while the remaining 360 members of the house of representative have an average of one each (Daily Trust, December 28, 2017).

In simple calculation it means that out of 370,000 officers and men of the Nigerian Police Force, state Governors have approximately 7,956, Ministers 180, Senators 253, House of Representatives plus minus 360, totalling 8,749 police officers attached to only senior members of the executive and legislative arms of government. Police personnel protection to the plethora of members of the judiciary, heads of federal agencies, 774 local government chairman, first class traditional leaders, pastors of mega churches, and so forth are exclusively out of the revealed number of politicians enjoying police protection in Nigeria. The primary reason for massive police protection of politicians can be attributed to the fraudulent means through which most of them came to power. There is perceive fear that their political opponents might come for revenge after rigging them out of power in a general election. Personality security accounts for the lack of police visibility on the streets, communities, towns, and cities. Providing security to politicians, judges and the so-called important personalities in society seem appropriate, but the physical safety and security of the weak and vulnerable population which is the primary and noble responsibility of any caring government appears unimportant to the Nigeria authorities. The point and fact being alluded here remains that the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) is after all not understaffed as one is meant to believe, rather police personnel are wrongly deployed and overstretched in personality than people safety security, hence unable to effectively perform its constitutional mandate and policing responsibility.

Community security

Community refers to a group of people with the same identified levels of social interaction who live in the same geographical space and share the same feelings and sentiments about the area (Soyombo, 2016 :235). It is a “free association of individuals, recognizing their solidarity in relation to common conceptions of what it is to live an ethical life, it binds people together, providing a distinctive network of identity and ideas, support and society” (Frankfurt School, in Ken Booth 2005:109). Indeed, community security is basically concerned with measures to contain societal ills and abnormal behaviors of the members of a community in respect to “crime, violence, intimidation, and disorder, which often linked to broader human security issues related to economic and social indicators, for example people’s health, education and livelihood” (National Security Summit Report, 2021:66). It presupposes a calculated approach to “tackle a range of security problems, from gender-based violence, and lack of trust between communities and security providers, to inter-ethnic tensions or weapons proliferation” (NSSR, 2021:65). A community is said to be secured when it has the capacity to contain real, potential, or perceived existential threat to her geopolitical space, life, and livelihood. The centralized nature of the internal security architecture of Nigeria appears to have immensely contributed to the vulnerability of communities in terms of not being able to independently formulate, implement and monitor local security challenges within her jurisdiction. Presently, every security policy or initiative of states and local government in Nigeria must seek the blessings of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) in Abuja, courtesy of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria’s exclusive legislative list. For instance, formation of community vigilante groups which ought to be the prerogative of the traditional leaders in conjunction with other relevant stakeholders in the community remain under the tutelage of the federal government. In some cases, community leaders are not consulted, allowed to form local security outfit, or have a say on the appointment of District Police Officers (DPOs) mandated to oversee community safety and security, culminating in indifference and apathy in government security initiatives. The financial emasculation of local government by states in Nigeria has paved way for the inability of the former to manage her ecological and human security challenges. Lack of effective town planning in rural communities expressed in shabby construction of rural roads and indiscriminate building of residential houses along water ways, gully erosion, blocked drainages, accidental farm fire, deforestation, garbage dumping are among other ecological factors that threatened human and community security.

Conclusion

Since democracy in 1960 Nigeria has witnessed a series of political turmoil which risked its freedom from British colonial rule. It was subjected to a series of military coups and in 1999 it settled for a democratically acceptable constitution which purported to support the rights of all its citizens. Notwithstanding such a landmark event, Nigeria has been plagued by a series of human security threats which threatens socio-political and economic development of the nation. The chapter highlights ten areas in which Nigeria has fallen short in meeting its constitutional mandate. Although Nigeria is in a post-military era it continues to use the military to curb human security threats instead of the police who are closest to its citizens. The appalling state of the welfare system, poor levels of human development, environmental degradation, low levels of basic service delivery raise concerns about human rights violations amongst Nigerians. The chapter highlights despite Nigeria having natural resources which makes it an important actor in the African continent, internal security threats emanating from underdevelopment makes it vulnerable to political instability. Nigeria is plagued by corruption, crime, high levels of unemployment, gender inequality, insurgency, economic sabotage, banditry, and many other social issues that threatens its resilience to internal human security.

CHAPTER THREE

RESEACH METHODOLOGY

Introduction

This chapter focuses on the research methods deemed relevant for data collection, analysis, and interpretation. It brings to the fore the research design and research technique applied in the investigation. This is essential to ensure a “tight fit between the purpose of the research question and the methods” (Nieuwenhuis, 2016:51). Hesse-Biber and Leavy (2011) describe methodology as the “bridge that brings our philosophical standpoint (ontology and epistemology) and method; it is related to how we carry out research. Methods on the other hand, are the tools that researchers use to collect data. These tools enable us to gather data about social reality from individuals, groups, artifacts, and texts in any medium” (Hesse-Biber and Leavy 2011:38). Empirical literature has revealed series of research methodologies that can be used to investigate a research project. Each method has its merits and demerits. The preferred choice of research method essentially depends on the nature and objectives of the study, the timeframe, access to relevant material and finance available to carry out the project. This chapter contains basically four levels of research methods: “research design, data collection and analysis and interpretation of data” (Wolhuter, 2016:155-158), including research objective and questions, the geo-location of the study, population and sample size, ethical consideration, data collection and Covid-19 challenges, and demographic profile of the respondents in that order.

The authors investigate human security threats in Nigeria from two different research perspectives – quantitative and qualitative. According to Unaka (2008:13) “quantitative method … relied mostly on structured data that may be numerically stored and statistically analyzed to yield generalizable findings. On the other hand, the authors defined qualitative methods as … “a non-representative sample that relied mostly on unstructured data that need not be numerically/statistically stored and analyzed …” (Unanka 2008:13). The difference between the two approaches can be explained in their aim and purpose. While the goal of quantitative research is to “describe the trends or explain the relationships between the variables (Ivankova et al, 2016:307), that of qualitative research is to “understand a phenomenon in its natural context and extrapolate those findings to other similar situation” (Bless et al, 2014:220). Bless et al. observe that “the quality of quantitative research is assessed through its reliability, validity and objectivity, whereas the quality of a qualitative research is evaluated through its trustworthiness, on the basis of credibility, transferability, dependability, triangulation and conformability.

Research objective:

The central aim of the study is to examine factors that constitute an existential threat to human security in Nigeria in the post-military era (2006-2021). The specific objectives of the study are:

To examine the major causes of human insecurity in Nigeria
To examine the socio-economic and political consequences of the neglect of human security in the Nigerian internal security policy.
To investigate the factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria.
To examine measures to improve human insecurity in Nigeria.

Research questions:

In line with the objectives the research is aimed to find answers to the following questions:

What are the major causes of human insecurity in Nigeria?
What are the socio-economic and political consequences of the neglect of human security in the Nigerian internal security policy?
What are the factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria?
How can human insecurity in Nigeria be addressed?

Research design

The research design of a study explains the type of research approach to be used and how it is suitable for the study and data collection. It refers to “all the decisions we make in planning the study – decisions not only about what overall type or design to be used, but also about sampling, sources and procedures for collecting data, measurement issues and data analysis plan” (Fouche et al, 2017:143). Research design is therefore the researcher’s overall blueprint for obtaining credible answers to the research questions and/or tests the hypothesis. The essence is to aggregate different research elements in a “cohesive and coherent way”. One characteristic of a good study design is that it “explains the details with such clarity that, if someone else wanted to follow the proposed procedure, he or she would be able to do exactly as the researcher had done” (Kumar, 2005:195). Therefore, for the purpose of this study triangulation or mixed method research approach was preferred to explain in more detail the phenomena under study. This method is related to “concurrent and sequential mixed design in terms of using instruments such as surveys and interviews to triangulate the data collection process” (Wyk and Taole, 2015:180). Delport and Fouche (2017:442) describe triangulation mixed method as a one-phase design in which the researcher uses both quantitative and qualitative methods during the same time frame and with equal weight to best understand the phenomenon of interest. It generally involves the concurrent, but separate, collection and analysis of quantitative data.

The technique assists in the process of data collection, description, explanation, and analysis. It also helps the authors in understanding the study in its natural context in terms of capturing the experiences, orientation, beliefs, preferences, opinion and or position of the participants on the persistent threat to human security in the Nigerian internal security management.

Okeke and Van Wyk (2016) states that the “purpose of triangulation is to assist researchers to achieve or reach a point of comparison between methods, in order to discover the similarities and differences in the responses of the participants. It also helps strengthen the outcomes of the research process in terms of findings. Such an approach assists the researchers to avoid the presentation of assertions that may be misleading about the situation they have studied” (Okeke and Van Wyk, 2016:219). The strengths and advantages of using the triangulation design is that “it takes less time to complete than a sequential design. Each type of data can also be collected and analyzed separately and independently, using the techniques traditionally associated with quantitative and qualitative research. This lends itself to team research, in which the team can include experts from both traditional approaches” (Creswell and Clark 2007:66). Berg (2007) explains that “by combining several lines of sight (e.g. different data-collection methods or theories) researchers obtain a better, more substantive picture of reality; a richer, more complete array of symbols and theoretical concept; and a means of verifying many of these elements” (Berg, 2007:23).

In a general perspective, “mixed method research helps answer questions that cannot be answered by only qualitative or quantitative approaches. It also encourages the use of multiple worldviews or paradigms rather than the typical association of certain paradigms for quantitative researchers and it is practical in the sense that the researcher is free to use all methods possible to address the research” (Creswell and Clark, 2007:9-10). A “mixed methods research approach provides strengths that offset the weaknesses of both quantitative and qualitative research, and therefore has the potential to provide better (stronger) inferences… it also eliminates different kinds of bias, explains the true nature of a phenomenon under investigation and improves various forms of validity or quality criteria” (Delport and Fouche, 2017:436). Additionally, using mixed methods can be helpful in “measuring and explaining outcomes in an experiment, developing an in-depth case analysis, identifying and taking action to improve a practical problem, evaluating the development and outcomes of a program, or advancing social justice concerns based on multiple perspectives” (Creswell, et.al 2016:313).

However, Delport and Fouche (2017:443) observed that “triangulation or mixed method research approach is associated with the following challenges: that much effort and expertise are required to collect and analyze two complete but separate sets of data concurrently. He further said that researchers may face the challenge of what to do if the qualitative and quantitative results do not agree” (Delport and Fouche, 2017:443). To this end, survey and interview questions were carefully constructed and subjected for validity test to avoid the above identified challenges. Conclusively, the triangulation mixed method approach is premised on its ability to increase credibility, ensure trustworthiness, and provide a complete understanding of analyzing phenomena.

The Study Population

Babbie (2003:100) contends that “a population of a study is that group (usually of people) about whom we want to draw conclusions”. Lumadi (2016:226) assert that a “population is a group of persons, objects, or item from which samples are taken for measurement; for instance, a population of cabinet ministers … postgraduate students” In this book the authors interest is focused on understanding the experiences, beliefs, preferences, opinion and/or position of the participants on human insecurity in Nigeria in the post military era. The interest in Nigeria’s internal security is born out of the fact that Nigeria currently is facing more of internal than external security challenge, especially threat to human welfare and well-being. Based on the research problem the population of this study constituted of persons directly or indirectly involved in the Nigerian internal security policy formulation, implementation, and monitoring. These persons are in various public and private institutions and agencies in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Nigeria.

Research Locality

The study was conducted in Abuja in the Federal Republic of Nigeria located in the West African sub-region. Abuja the federal capital territory comprised six local area councils, namely, Abuja Municipal Area Council, Abaji, Qwagwalada, Kuje, Bwari and Kwali. The study focus was at Abuja Municipal Area Council, the geo-location of the three arms of government in Nigeria, harboring the corporate head offices of Nigerian military and paramilitary agencies responsible for security policy formulation and implementation. This setting made it possible to access relevant information from the resource persons (officers and men of security agents and policy makers) and other stakeholders targeted for the study. As the capital territory of Nigeria, Abuja is a semi-commercial city surrounded by rural towns and villages and dominated by civil and public servants, politicians and businessmen and women.

Figure 3.1 Geographical Map of Abuja (Study Location)

Source: Abuja Geographical Information System (AGIS) Abuja FCT, Nigeria (2021)

Figure 3.2 Map showing the location of Abuja (FCT) in Nigeria

Figure 3.3 Map showing the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria.

Source: Wikipedia (2021)

Figure 3.4 Insecurity report showing violence attacks across Nigeria (2020)

Source: Premium Times.

Sample and Sample size

A sample is “a set of respondents or participants selected from a large population for the purpose of conducting a survey. A good sample should be representative of the population to ensure that the findings can be generalized from the research sample to the population as a whole” (Lumadi, 2016:226). It is a “subset of the population, to be useful it must have all the properties of the population so as to be representative of the whole” (Bless et al, 2014:165). A sample ought to reflect the “aggregate characteristics of the sample closely approximate those same aggregate characteristics in the population” (Babbie and Mouton, 2001:172). With a sample, time, money, and effort can be concentrated to produce better-quality research, better instruments, more in-depth information, and better-trained interviewers or observers” (Strydom 2017:224)

There are two types of sampling available to researchers – “probability sampling, which is based on randomization; and none—probability sampling, which does not implement randomization” (Strydom, 2017:226). Probability sampling occurs when “each member of the population has the same probability or chance of being chosen for the study, for instance, cluster sampling, random sampling and simple random sampling” (Lumadi, 2016:230). On the other hand, non-probability sampling is when the “probability of including each element of the population in a sample is unknown. In this case it is not possible to determine the likelihood of the inclusion of all representative elements of the population into the sample” (Bless et al, 2014:166).

In this book, the authors made use of two sampling techniques to select the participants, the “simple random sampling for survey and purposive sampling for oral interviews, in the understanding that “properly drawn samples provide information appropriate for describing the population of the study” (Babbie and Mouton, 2001:184). Similarly, Miller and Brewer (2003:268) states that the rationale behind random sampling is that “the characteristics of the good random sample (sample estimates) should mirror the characteristics of the population (the ‘true’ population parameters). A simple random sampling is the basic sampling method assumed in the statistical computations of social research” (Babbie and Mouton, 2001: 189).

A purposive sample of 35 respondents were drawn from the Nigerian security agencies and other stakeholders relevant to the study, and who are also knowledgeable in the Nigerian internal security policy. They include 2 participants each from the Ministry of Interior, comprised the Nigerian Police, Customs, Immigration and Correctional service. Ministry of defense 2 respondents, Ministry of Health 4, Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development 4, Ministry of Justice 3, Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs 5, Ministry of Labor and Employment 2, the National Assembly 2, Human Rights Commission 4 and Academic and Journalist 1 each. Part of the criteria for selection were that the respondents must be a serving or retired civil or public servant/private sector with not less than 5 years working experience. The allocation of the number of participants was based on the level of involvement in human security related issues in Nigeria. The use of purposive sampling was informed by the “knowledge of the population and the purpose of the study” (Lumadi, 2016:235). Purposive sampling technique prides itself with the following benefits:

It is less costly and less time consuming.
It ensures proper representation of the universe when the investigation has full knowledge of the composition of the universe and is free from bias.
It prevents unnecessary and irrelevant items entering into the sample per chance.
It ensures intensive study of the selected items.
It gives better results if the investigator is unbiased and has the capacity of keen observation and sound judgment (Karuna, 2011, Online article).

To generate data that can be used to reach informed conclusions, at least 60 questionnaires were distributed at the Abuja Area Municipal Council, Police Service Commission, National Orientation Agency, Youth Development Agency, Anti-graft Agency, Independent National Electoral Commission, National Economic Council, the Federal Character Commission, and two major political parties viz All progressive Alliance (APC) and People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The participation of the institutions and agencies targeted for questionnaire distribution was randomly selected, but in line with their relevance, professional role, and constitutional mandates to human security matters. The process of the selection of participants was done by assigning serial numbers to the targeted security agencies, commissions, and other stakeholders to ensure that each agency has the opportunity of being selected for the investigation. Human security is a multi-dimensional and complex concept that needs a wide coverage and to contextualize the nature of threats and trends of events in the Nigerian human security policy formulation, implementation, and monitoring. “The size of a sample is an important determinant of the statistical power of the research… the more heterogeneous a population is, the larger the sample must be to represent the characteristics of the population accurately” (Bless, et al 2014:174). Bless, Smith and Sithole (2014:174) further contend that “the best sample size depends on three criteria: the degree of accuracy required, the degree of variability or diversity in the population and the number of different variables to be examined simultaneously in the data analysis”.

Data Collection Instruments

A “research project stands or falls on the quality of the data on which it is based. An excellent research design and a very representative sample are not sufficient to ensure good result if the analysis relies on incorrect data” (Bless et al, 2014:183). Data is any numeric or non-numeric information or fact about any phenomenon or variable (Unanka, 2004:2). There are different forms of data collection instruments in social and scientific research, they include but not limited to tests, rating scale, questionnaires, interviews, focus group and observations. On this premise, the authors used questionnaires and interviews to gather numeric and non-numeric information aimed to assess the predetermined sample of participants’ viewpoints, experiences, attitudes, belief, and feelings towards the prevailing human security threats in Nigeria. The study also made use of secondary sources of information to complement empirical data to include – relevant textbooks, published and unpublished works, Newspapers and periodicals, articles, and international network (internet sources).

Survey Questionnaire

Babbie (2007:246) defines a questionnaire as a “document containing questions and or other types of items designed to solicit information appropriate for analysis”. Gray (2004:187) also defined questionnaires as “research tools through which people are asked to respond to the same set of questions in a predetermined order” The choice of questionnaire as a data collection instrument is basically informed by the fact that it is the most widely used data collection instrument, and because of its wider coverage of the target population. The authors administered 60 questionnaires to the targeted respondents drawn from the selected internal security institutions and departments in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. The choice of the capital territory is due to the centralized nature of the Nigerian political administration. The headquarters of the targeted internal security agencies from where security decision emanates are all located in the three-armed zone in Abuja. The strengths of questionnaires are articulated in the under stated reasons:

Questionnaire can be quite affordable if properly planned.
Questionnaire allow participants adequate time to make their responses.
There is greater uniformity in measurement because the same tool is utilized across all selected participants.
Data gathered are easier to analyze than those from interviews and focus group discussions.
Participants are able to consult, where there may be a need to do so.
Questionnaire can be answered at participants’ own pace and time because they are not seen as tests for assessment.
Little or no training is required for coding, analysis, and interpretation of data (Ganga and Maphalala, 2016:321).

However, using questionnaires also has its drawbacks. “Unless we can make completing the questionnaire intrinsically rewarding, the response rate can be depressingly low. This is even more of a danger if questionnaires are too long” (Gray, 2004:188). Researchers can increase the return rate by “using a covering letter convincing respondents of the relevance of the research by adding a self-addressed stamped envelope to the questionnaire, and by keeping the questionnaire short and well formulated” (Bless et. al 2014:200). To avoid the above setbacks, the authors religiously followed the advice of Gray, as stipulated above.

The questionnaire in the study comprised five sections A, B, C D and E. Section A provided the individual details (gender, age, education, working experience and agency) of the research participants, whereas section B, C, D and E contains closed ended (structured) statements drawn from the relevant literature reviewed. A closed question provides for a set of responses from which the respondents have to choose one (or sometimes more than one) response (Maree and Pietersen, 2016:181). Common among closed-ended questions are “those requiring yes or no responses; true or false responses; and one with rating scales” (Ganga and Maphalala, 2016:319). Advantages of closed questions are that “respondents understand the meaning of the question better, questions can be answered within the same framework, responses can consequently be compared better with one another, answers are easier to code and statistically analyzed …” (Neuman 2006:287). However, “less informed participants may answer too easily … questions may be misinterpreted, respondents may give simplistic answers to complex issues, and participants may be forced to make choices they may not prefer” (Ganga and Maphalala 2016:320). Efforts were made to ensure that the questionnaire contained manageable number of questions with simplified grammar to attract respondents’ interest and confidence.

On this premise, the authors deemed the Likert Scale questionnaire model as appropriate to the study as it aims to ascertain participants’ attitude, opinion, and perception on the issue under investigation. In this section the authors used four-point scales where series of statements were made, and respondents were asked whether they agree or disagree with a statement. It ranged from 1. Strongly Agree, 2. Disagree, 3. Agree, 4. Strongly Disagree. Section B contains 7 items on the main cause of human insecurity in Nigeria. Section C comprised 5 items on the consequences of human insecurity in Nigerian internal security policy. Section D is made up of 5 items on the factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria, while Section E contains 7 items on the strategies to improve human insecurity in Nigeria.

Open-ended Interviews and Interview Guide

It is the view of the authors that the use of a single instrument for data collection in this kind of study cannot answer the “how and why” pertinent questions in the study, hence the use of interview to gain significance and rich understanding of the existential threat to human security in Nigeria. It is on this ground that the investigators separately administered questionnaires and conducted standardized open-ended qualitative interviews with participants purposefully selected, in an attempt to “understand the world from the participant’s point of view, to unfold the meaning of people’s experiences, and to uncover their lived world …” (Greeff, 2017:342). An interview is a data collection technique based on a series of questions relating to the research topic to be answered by research participants (Bless, et al 2014: 392). It therefore implies that the interviewer and the interviewee must be guided by the research topic aimed to find a sustainable solution to the investigation. Due to the complex nature of the study, interviews were conducted amongst a wide range of purposefully selected individuals who are directly and indirectly involved in Nigerian internal security policy formulation, implementation, and monitoring, as aforesaid. Their responses were electronically taped (those who agreed to record their voice) and manually recorded. Maree (2016:94) concur with this approach and advised that “even if you record the interview, it is often helpful to take notes so that you can review the answers and ask additional questions at the end of the interview. The use of the tape recorder is vital for conducting interviews. Not only does it record the essential data, it permits the interviewer to concentrate on the process of listening, interpreting and re-focusing the interview” (Gray, 2004:227). One of the biggest advantages of structured interviews is that “there can be a greater use of open ended questions and the interviewer can provide additional information, if required, to aid the respondents understand the question” (David and Sutton, 2004:160). However, “it cost more to train and send interviewers to all the respondents in a relatively large sample, some of whom may be located in difficult-to-access areas. As such, interviewing is often restricted to relatively small sample size” (Unanka, 2008:56).

Despite the challenges involved, “a well-conducted interview is a powerful tool for eliciting rich data on people’s views, attitudes and the meanings that underpin their lives and behaviors” (Gray, 2004:213). One key benefit of interview as an instrument of data collection is that it allows the researcher to observe non-verbal behavior of respondents, such as facial appearance as well as the gesticulation of the respondent in a particular question.

The interview guide was constructed in such a manner that adequate information was sought to address the research questions and objectives of the investigation. The interview guide was prearranged in segments as follows:

Section A: This section comprises date of interview, the starting and concluding time of the interview, the name of the investigator/interviewer and the language used to conduct interviews. Section B: The section contained five demographic background questions for each research participants; gender, age, institution/agencies, education attainment and participant’s years of work experience.

Section C was made up of four lead questions on the interviewee’s perception and experience on the major causes of human insecurity in Nigeria. This section probed participants insight, sensitivity, orientation, and knowledge on the present situation of human security in Nigeria, the deepest concern of the participants on the phenomenon, internal security policy implementation and other relevant factors that constitute sources of threats to human security in Nigeria.

Section D contained five questions on the consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria. The section asked the participants on whether human insecurity has any effect on the Nigerian state, the effect of food scarcity on the human population, the effect of flood disaster on human environment and on whether the high rate of crime among the youth is a consequence of unemployment in Nigeria.

Section E comprised five questions on factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria. The section probed if corruption, economic and political marginalization, lack of political will to securitize poverty, including the extent inadequate human security policy implementation have sustained human insecurity in Nigeria.

Finally, Section F contained five questions on possible strategies to improve human insecurity in Nigeria. The investigators queried each participant if there can be any solution to human insecurity in Nigeria. The section went further to ask if the Nigerian government has the capacity to address threat to human security. Strategy and capacity such as effective internal security policy implementation, monitoring, and maintenance were asked. The section concluded by asking participants if they have further suggestion(s) on the best approach to reduce the level of human insecurity in Nigeria. In sum, the interview guide comprised six sections and 19 open-ended questions constructed in line with the stated research questions and objectives.

Primary Data Source and Procedure

The study utilized the survey method (questionnaires) and oral interview (in-depth interview) to source relevant data to describe and explain the behaviors and experiences of security policy makers, security studies scholars and relevant stakeholders on human security threats in Nigeria in the post-military era. A letter requesting permission to conduct the study was written and sent to the head offices of the targeted institutions/agencies in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Nigeria. The letter was acknowledged by the relevant authorities allowing respondents to freely engage in the study. The questionnaires and interview documents contained an opening statement where the role of the participant was adequately explained with a guarantee of anonymity, confidentiality, safety, and liberty to opt-out from the study at any point in time. The questionnaires were distributed to the institutions/agencies earmarked for the study and participants were given at least 5 working days to complete the questionnaire. In the case of interviews, appropriate time was sought from the interviewees to conduct interviews. This exercise commenced immediately after the collection of the questionnaires and after which the findings were compared to ensure validity and in line with the design of the investigation.

Secondary Data Source and Procedure

The nature of this research project influenced the use of a wide range of relevant secondary sources of information already in the public domain to complement and sustain the primary data. Data were sourced from the review of published journal articles, review of Newspaper articles, google sources, security policy documents, government gazettes, documentaries and so forth. Specifically, relevant information was sourced from the Nigerian National Defense Policy documents, Nigerian Defense College (libraries and bookshops), National Human Rights Commission, Walter Sisulu University, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Imo State University and Abia State University libraries. And for the purpose of wider and statistical coverage, data was also sourced from the Nigerian National Bureau of Statistics, United Nations Development Programs (UNDP) and Commission on Human Security (CHS) which was compared with government sources, especially on issues of poverty, unemployment, inequality/wealth distribution, population, human protection, and rehabilitation.

The strength of secondary data is that they are “readily available, neutral, cost-effective, accurate and authentic” compared to primary sources, while “the key weakness associated with secondary data is that the researcher has no control over what is contained in the data set, cannot vouch for the quality of the data with certainty or determine whether the data is accurate, or recent as it may be reported” (Okeke and Von Wyk 2016: 365).

Method of Data Analysis

This section represents the “empirical phase” of the data analysis, in which Unanka (2018) described as “the process of reasoning through and interpreting the meaning of qualitative or quantitative data towards the description, explanation or prediction of the social or political phenomenon”. Since the unit of analysis in the investigation is the individuals in public and private security institutions/agencies in Nigeria, the questionnaires administered, and interviews conducted formed the bases of data processing and analysis. The idea of data analysis is to “enable the researcher to empirically classify, present and interpret findings and observations in a statistical (quantitative) and non-statistical (logical/qualitative) manner”. This technique is appropriate with the triangulation mixed method research design approach used in the study. This involves “the processes whereby quantitative and qualitative data analysis strategies are combined, connected, or integrated in research studies” (Delport and Fouche, 2017:447).

To analyze quantitative/statistical data, we used the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) computer software version 23. Tests such as frequency distribution and mean score values were used to analyze data. The SPSS computer software helped us to “summarize quantitative data, compile appropriate tables and graphs, examine relationship among variables… and develop a fairly sophisticated model” (Babbie and Mouton, 2003:583). The strength of the SPSS tool is that it ensures accuracy, reduces labor and time, and ensures easy interpretation of results. This instrument has been criticized for lack of “coverage and flexibility” especially in “time series analysis and various versions of the SPSS”. However, the SPSS computer software has for decades remained popular and user-friendly tool to analyze quantitative data.

On the other hand, data generated from the participants through interviews were non-numerical in nature, hence ‘content analysis’ was used to analyze and explain the qualitative data. According to Schutt, (1999:310) “qualitative analysis is the non-generalizable idiographic (narrative) inductive reasoning that comprised logical counting, sorting, coding, categorization, classification, linking and interpretation of qualitative data.” In view of the above, interview data was first sequentially arranged to enable the researcher to manage, explain, interpret, and present the views, beliefs and experiences of the respondents as regards the human insecurity in Nigeria. Hosti (1969) defined content analysis as “any technique for making inferences by objectively and systematically identifying specified characteristics of messages”.

Nigeria is a multi-ethnic and multi-lingual nation state, comprising three major languages, Igbo, Hausa, and Yoruba, in addition to English language, for this reason any recording in any of these indigenous languages plus notes taken in the process of interviews were transcribed into English for language uniformity and to enable interpretation and presentation of findings. The narratives of the respondents were summarized, and each question was reported to reflect the opinion and statements of the people interviewed. Sequentially, content analysis approach was manually established, important statements identified and coded, information grouped into themes and linked to determine relationships, then interpreted, and presented. The purpose is to “uncover themes that are prominent in the data. Also, the objective of finding the thematic links is to assist the shaping and interpretation of the emerging themes” (Attridge- Sterling, 2001:387). The essence is that data should be allowed to speak, demanding the researcher to engage with them rigorously (Feza, 2016:464). In sum, the study combined and analyzed three sources of data – questionnaire, in-depth interviews, and extant literature to ascertain corroboration/collaboration and differences of participant’s views, ideas, opinion, and beliefs on issues related to threat to human security.

Challenges of Data Collection

It is normal that researchers encounter various challenges in the process of conducting a research, particularly an empirical study, hence this work is not an exception. As research ethics demands that studies involving human participation to provide official permission from relevant institutions both public and private sectors, clearance was sought to conduct qualitative and quantitative research from relevant ministries, institutes, security agencies and other stakeholders in the study area that form part of the study population. During this process we experienced endorsement challenges from the aforesaid registry offices designated to approve research related matters. To overcome this and due to the sensitive nature of the study, we took time to clarify security boundaries of the study and its objectives.

In the interview process the respondents were hesitant to either disclose their identity, record their voice in audio, or give sensitive information for fear of consequences. In one instance at the force headquarters in Abuja, the police commissioner in charge of research was worried that the findings could portray Nigerian human security policy in a bad light, hence they were reluctant to participate in the interview process. All efforts made to convince the officer on the precise objective of the study fell on deaf ears. Again, the internal security situation in Nigeria at the time of field work was too cold for comfort. For example, the compulsory linking of individual phone sim cards to national identity after the October 2020 #EndSars civil disobedience in virtually all 36 states and the federal capital territory, Abuja made it extremely difficult for people to discuss security issues and policies either one-on-one or on cell phones for fear of being tracked and trapped by the Nigerian security agents. For this reason, the researchers invoked ethical clauses of informed consent, respect for privacy, anonymity and confidentiality to appease the minds of participants.

Despite this effort, targeted respondents were reluctant to participate, and there is nothing the researcher could do because they had no control over the issue of sim card and national identity linkages as mandated by the Ministry of Communication and Digital Economy.

Covid-19 Challenge:

The field work of the study was conducted in an era of the Covid-19 pandemic which constrained the entire process. The field work commenced with the renewal of permission to conduct interviews at targeted government institutions and agencies which was challenging due to Covid-19 strict regulations, such as compulsory wearing of mask, hand sanitizing and keeping social distance. Besides, some agencies could not trace the records of our first contact in the registry which prompted fresh application and long process of approval, all of which impacted on the field work.

At the federal secretariat complex where most of the ministries and interviewees were located the we renewed the letter for permission to conduct interview at the Ministry of Labor and Employment, Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs Disaster Management and Social Development, Force Headquarters, Comptroller General Nigeria Custom Services, Ministry of Health, the National Assembly, National Human Rights Commission, Ministry of Interior and Ministry of Defense. Unfortunately, most of the resource persons who happened to be senior staff were working remotely from home due to the Covid-19 pandemic.

Demographic Profile of Respondent

This section presents data and information gathered from four categories of demographic profile of the respondents which was presented and interpreted below. The study comprised male and female respondents to enable the authors to have informed knowledge on the experience and interest of both gender on issues related to threat to human insecurity in Nigeria. The second group of the respondents are categorized within the age range 30 – 50 years, and above, reason being to enable one to understand the age distribution of the participants in the study. It was expected that respondents should be mature, experienced and knowledgeable enough to articulate human security related issues. Third, educational background of the respondents were gathered to determine the level of knowledge and competence in responding to the survey questions. The ability of the respondents to respond to the study questions was anchored largely on the level of the individual literacy level, experience, exposure, and assessment skills necessary to make informed decision and observations. Fourth, work affiliation and experience of the respondents were collected from five categories of government ministries, agencies, and other stakeholders relevant to the study. The purpose was to assemble and verify respondents work experiences, ideas, beliefs, orientation, and preferences on factors that constitute human insecurity.

Demographic Profile of the Interviewees

During the face-to-face interviews the participant’s personal information were collected and recorded. The interview was conducted in English among the selected resource persons who agreed to participate in the process and each session averaged between 35 – 1:45 minutes. As earlier indicated participants were between 35 and 57 years inferring that only adults were considered eligible to participate in the interviews, with predominance of males over female. The average work experience of interviewees stood at between 5 – 23 years. The level of education attainment by participants, the extent of knowledge, understanding and exposure informed the selection criteria. Record of the demographic profile of the resource person revealed that all participants interviewed held tertiary level qualifications with an average work experience of 23 years.

Ethical Consideration

For Bless (2004:28) the word ethics are derived from the Greek word ethos, meaning one’s character or disposition. It relates to the term morality derived from the Latin term morals, meaning one’s manners or character”. Ethics is the science of morality: those who engage in it determine values for the regulation of human behavior” (Homan, 1991 in David and Sutton 2004:17). The ethics of social research is about “creating a mutually respectful, win-win relationship in which participants are pleased to respond candidly, valid results are obtained, and the community considers the conclusions constructive” (Mcauley, 2003:95). The concept ethical consideration involves “all aspects of the research process, from deciding upon the topic, through to identifying a sample, conducting the research and disseminating the findings have ethical implications” (Flick, 2006:49). Specifically, research issues such as “personal disclosure, authenticity, credibility, the role of the researcher in cross-cultural contexts, and the issue of personal privacy all create a mirage of complexities” (Drake, 2016:98). Hence, research “should be based on mutual trust, acceptance, cooperation, promises and well-accepted conventions between all parties involved in a research project (Strydom, 2017:113).

It is on this backdrop that research projects, especially in the Social Sciences is meaningless without human contact. When the human being constitutes the unit of analysis in an investigation ethical issue become a pertinent concern for the researcher. A researcher for instance, has the right to collect data through whatever means, but not to the detriment of the participants and/or respondent’s rights to know about the entire research process. Gravetter and Forzano (2003:60) identified two basic categories of ethical responsibility: “responsibility to those, both human and non-human, who participate in a project; and responsibility to the discipline of science to be accurate and honest in the reporting of their research.”

For these reasons ethical consideration was therefore considered while gathering data. Prior to the conduct of the interview process the targeted institutions and departments in the Abuja Municipal Area Council were contacted in writing, to obtain permission to conduct interviews with the targeted staff members. The organizations granted the authors request in writing and made arrangement for the conduct of interviews. The authors made a firm undertaking to the participants for honest and fair reporting of the information provided. The survey questions were moderated by experts before administering it to the different government departments, commissions and security agencies that form part of the sample population.

The survey moderation was done for the purpose of quality assurance and to ensure appropriate use of research instruments. Based on the nature of the study, the authors ensured that the following codes of ethics were strictly adhered: informed consent, data protection, and respect to privacy, anonymity, and confidentiality.

Conclusion

This chapter highlighted and justified the research approach used in this book. It brings to the fore the research design and research method applied in the investigation. The study utilized qualitative and quantitative instrument to gather empirical information. Participants were chosen via simple random and purposeful sampling techniques. The authors used quantitative data to present the demographic profile of respondents emerging from the survey and interviews with participants. Method of data collection, data analysis and field work challenges were identified and discoursed extensively. This chapter concludes with the demographic profiles of participants both in the survey and interviews

CHAPTER FOUR

Global and Nigerian Human Security Discourse for Political Stability

Introduction

This chapter reviews the extant and relevant literature to enable the reader to understand the enduring issues of human insecurity in Nigeria. This section deals with the review of the relevant works of scholars that have made meaningful contributions in the field of security studies and international relations. The purpose is to summarize these pertinent postulations and criticisms that are legendry in the field of security studies, and to identify the existing lacuna and or space which the book aims to fill, hence the review is approached by providing an overview of the concept security, global perspective on human security, human security in the era of post Nigerian civil war, an overview of securitisation through human development and social justice. These key sub-themes will provide insight to the reader on the global and Nigerian security discourse to attain political stability. Instability in the political arena can have devastating effects on national security as it will predispose Nigeria to potential unrest from its citizenry resulting in a chaotic state that will further impact on human insecurity. The chapter draws from global mandates for conformity to international policy rules for nation states to promote human security needs.

An overview of the concept of security

The security concept has been a subject of great debate among scholars in social sciences and in international relations, hence difficult to pin down security as a concept in a single definition and meaning. Some security experts are of the view that the subject of the ambiguity, contestation and debate is basically on the dovetail nature of the idea of security. Nonetheless the question of “what constitutes security” and the relevance of the persistent “use of military power” in the settlement of disputes in international relations is a crucial question. Booth (2005:21) contends that “the central focus of the security debate is on the different views about the primary referent to be secured, the type of threats most feared, and the key agents for action.” The author further argues that security is a derivative concept that is devoid of common understanding and consensus among scholars in terms of its meaning. Nevertheless, from a more concise point of view, security is defined as the protection of a nation from all types of external aggression, espionage, hostile reconnaissance, sabotage, subversion, annoyance, and other inimical influence (Shinkaiye, 2004:2). For Basu and Nunes, (2013:68) security ultimately refers to a condition in which individuals and group do not have to fear for their own survival. They went further to argue that when people are secure in the sense of survival, they are not immediately worried for example, about where their next meal is coming from, or whether they will be gunned down by drug cartels, or whether they will suffer from a rampant cholera epidemic. Apart from the physical survival of the state, Imobighe, (2013) agrees with Basu and Nunes (2013:68) that security must be seen to have a positive impact on the conditions of the life of the individual within the state, as well as provide them with the right environment for free interaction and for their individual and collective self-improvement and the actualization of their legitimate aspirations (Imobighe, 2013:6). Earlier Lipman (1943:51) asserted that “a nation is secured to the extent that it is not in a position to lose core values, life, property and liberty, and if it wishes, to deter aggression or win war when unavoidable.” From the brief discussion above, one cannot but agree that ultimately security as a concept lacks a universal definition, hence the various attempts that have been put forward by experts to comprehensively define security have remained elusive. According to the American Society for Industrial Security (ASIS 2003:10) every time we think we have got the definition of the security field nailed, somebody … starts taking some of the nails away, and that is the bone of the contestation and the beauty of scholarship.

The first book to examine the broader questions of security and war prevention was Quincy Wright’s Study of War published in 1942. Wright deviated from the work of the classical strategists which considered war as a tool of statecraft. Rather than looking at the problems of national security or the alternatives for national strategy, Wright looked to diplomacy, international understanding, arbitration, national self-determination, disarmament, and collective security as guarantors of international peace and stability (Snyder, 2011:5). However, at the end of the Second World War, the demise of the Soviet Union and more importantly the event of September 9/11 revitalized and reinvigorated the security debate and brought to the fore a new thinking and or a new dimension of the concept of security both in approach and in practice in the local and international security discourse. The essence was to rethink security from a different perspective beyond the traditional realist approach and discourse of national security. In his article, The Contested Concept of Security, Smith (2005:32) acknowledged six differing but overlapping schools of thought… beyond the traditional referent object – the state; the Copenhagen School and Security, Critical Security Studies, Feminist Security Studies, Human Security Studies, Constructivist Security Studies, and Post-structuralism Security Studies. Alahira, (2013:295) observes that these schools share a common dissatisfaction with the orthodox state-based approach to security, but however, acknowledged the importance and relevance of conceptualizing both perspectives (military and non-military) in security strategies and national development. For this reason, three relevant schools of thoughts stand out in this study – the Copenhagen School of thought, Critical Security Studies, and Human security.

Firstly, in the Copenhagen debate on the broadening/widening of security, two scholars, Berry Buzan and Ole Waever stand out as the most prominent crusaders in the security development agenda. Buzan’s key move made in his book People, State and Fear was to broaden the security agenda to involve five sectors rather than the traditional focus on only one – military security. He added political, economic, social, and ecological security sectors (Buzan, 1983:25). Importantly, the author also discussed the individual as the irreducible base unit of security, but not as a referent object for analysis in international security. Smith (2005:32) argues that the state rather than the individual constitutes the primary referent object of security for three reasons: it was the state that had to cope with the sub-state-international security problematic, the state was the primary agent for the alleviation of the insecurity, and the state was the dominant actors in the international political system. The Copenhagen school idea of societal security featured prominently in Ole Waever’s book on securitization where security was described as “a discursive, as a speech act” (Weaver, 1995), using the bombing of the World Trade Center as a case study, where “the key agent of action” (American authorities) prioritized and labeled the Al-Qaeda terrorist group as an existential threat to the United States and its allies. Expectedly, Buzan’s state-centric notion of security was vehemently criticized. Jones and Booth (2005:33) noted that Buzan’s book should really have been entitled States and Fear since people; according to Buzan is not a referent object in the security analysis. Similarly, Booth argued that the state was not the primary referent for security for three reasons: states are unreliable as primary referent because whereas some are in the business of security (internal and external) some are not, even those which are producers of security represent the means and not the ends, and states are too diverse in their character to serve as the basis for a comprehensive theory of security. In place of the state, the author wants to place human emancipation at the center of security studies (Booth, 1991:320). In his contribution to the security debate, Martin Shaw criticized Booth’s security focus on the individual, arguing instead that society is the missing dimension of security studies, with the concept of social relations leading to be interpose between and around the terms state and individual. He further stated that both the state and the individual’s need to be understood within a sociological context and neither is seen as standing alone (Shaw, 1991:160).

Conversely, Hansen (2000:37) critically noticed the conspicuous absence of gender-based insecurity in the work of Copenhagen school which she deemed as a significant silence in their security architecture. The author made a case of two omissions in Berry Buzan’s state-centric notion of security… first, security as silence, means that the securitization approach assumes that it is possible to speak about the security issue, secondly, there is an observation that Copenhagen’s definition of securitization can only take place when a referent object is existentially threatened; yet gender-based security issues do not fit within any of their definition of referent object. She concludes that the focus on speech produces problems in situations where the possibilities of speaking security are constrained, and the conditions for becoming a referent object are such that gender security is almost excluded from qualifying.

Secondly, the proponents of critical security hold that “the precise definition of what it means to be secure, the causes of insecurity, and who or what the concept of security should apply to, have long been debated and has remained the subject of the ambiguity and contestation in security studies (Peoples & Williams, 2015:2). The concept of critical security studies is usually associated with the Frankfurt School of thought inspired by the work of Booth and Jones and their Aberystwyth students and collaborators” (Booth, 1991, 2005a, 2007; Jones, 1995, 1999, 2005; Bilgin, 2003, 2004a; Dunne & Wheeler, 2004; Mutimer, 2007: 62-65; Van Munster, 2007). According to Krause and Williams (1996:231), the main thrust of critical security studies is to lay emphasis on the need to move from a focus on the military dimension of state behavior under anarchy to a focus on individual, community, and identity. Conceptually, critical security studies argued that individual humans are the ultimate referent for security, as states are unreliable providers of security and too diverse to provide for ‘a comprehensive theory of security (Booth, 1991:324).

For Booth and Jones (1991) security is all about human emancipation. Booth (2005:42) sees emancipation as not being the following: it is not a universal timeless concept, it cannot be at the expense of others, and it is not synonymous with Westernization.” He further argues that emancipation should logically be given precedence in our thinking about security over the mainstream themes of power and the other. The author defines emancipation as: the freeing of people (as individuals and groups) from the physical and human constraints which stop them from carrying out what they would freely choose to do. War and the threat of war is one of the constraints, together with poverty, poor education policy, and political oppression and so on. Security and emancipation are two sides of the same coin (Booth, 1991:319).

Importantly, Smith (2005:43) considered emancipation as a powerful framework in understanding the motive behind the “September 9/11 attacks” on the twin towers of the World Trade Centre in New York and the Pentagon in Washington DC in United States of America, “as well as the complex questions of how to respond”. He observes that, the Al-Qaeda does not simply oppose the United States of America’s influence in the Middle East in general and its support for Israel specifically; it opposes the United States, and regimes such as Saudi Arabia in the Middle East, because it sees them as pursuing modernization, which it deems as diametrically opposed to authentic Islamic identity.

However, the critical security study has been criticized by some scholars for different reasons. For instance, Ayoob (1997) disagrees with Booth’s definition of human emancipation. He was of the view that Booth’s definition refuses to acknowledge that a society or group can be emancipated without being secure and vice versa. Ayoob adds that to posit emancipation as synonymous with security and the panacea for all the ills plaguing Third World states can be the height of naiveté (Ayoob, 1997, in Smith 2005:44-45). Contrary to Ayoob’s state-based approach to security, Smith (2005) observed that the problem with this is that for many societies and populations the state is the main threat to their security. Therefore, Ayoob’s disagreement with Booth ends up as a dispute over what is the referent point of security: for Booth it is ‘individual,’ for Ayoob the ‘state’ (Smith, 2005:45).

A more substantial critique of critical security studies has been made by Peoples and Williams (2015:8) “who focus on what some scholars consider to be the media hyperbole of representations of 9/11”. They observed that repeated images and footage of the collapse of the iconic twin towers were watched globally and received unprecedented media coverage. The authors argued that other events in global politics, such as the on-going conflict in Darfur for example, have by contrast claimed more lives yet attracted far less attention.

Thirdly, the concept of Human Security served as the primary foundation that informed and underpinned the study. Human Security has been viewed as a potential response to the growing insecurity of security. An implicit assumption of human security is that the elevation of issues of human rights, economic inequality, and environmental change to the realm of security will allow greater priority to these issues, and thus maximize the potential for such issues to be addressed meaningfully by policy makers (McDonald, 2002:278). The thrust of human security is a concern for the individual safety, protection, welfare, quality of life and development … it seeks to address issues of humanitarian intervention, human rights, refugee movements, structural economic inequality, and environmental change.

Human security is a post-cold war concept that can be approached and understood from multidisciplinary perspectives. In other words, it covers several research areas, such as development studies, international relations, strategic studies, and human rights (Enu & Udeh 2011:15). The human security theory takes its foundation from the United Nations “Agenda for Peace” (1992) report propounded by the then Secretary General of the United Nations, Boutros-Boutros Ghali in which he called for “an integrated approach to human security”. According to the United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security Report (2009:9) “the concept of human security was used in relation to preventive diplomacy, peace-making, peacekeeping and post-conflict recovery.” The report drew attention to the broad scope of challenges in the post-conflict settings and highlighted the need to address root causes of conflict through a common international moral perception. Based on this foundation, the idea of human security was given a boost in the 1994 UN Human Development Report that broadly defines human security as “freedom from fear” and “freedom from want”. The UN Report further categorized human security in two aspects: “first, protection from such chronic threats as hunger, diseases and repressions, and second, protection from sudden, harmful upheavals of daily existence, touching on housing, employment and community life” (Tadjbakhsh, 2006:11). The 1994 UN Report also identified seven specific elements that comprise human security to include: economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security and political security (Ohta, 2009:22).

The notion of the UN Report stems from the understanding that the threats to human security are not limited to the protection of state and its natural resources; it also involves the security of individuals from the daily challenges in their quest to make a living. The essence is to protect the individual from human rights abuse by state or non-state actors… internally or externally organized, gender based and family violence and disease and natural disaster (Roger, Kibasomba & Kariri, 2009:2). Howard-Hassman (2011:2-3) also argues that the focus of human security is people as opposed to state. Human security’s principal goal is to extend the concept of security beyond national security, as one way to force state to pay more attention to the needs of their citizens. The term also implies that states can be adversely affected by the insecurity of citizens outside their own borders, for example, by uncontrollable flows of illegal economic migrants. Besides, the Commission on Human Security argue that “human security is needed in response to the complexity and the interrelatedness of both old and new security threats – from chronic and persistent poverty to ethnic violence, human trafficking, climate change, health pandemic, international terrorism, and sudden economic and financial downturns” (United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security (UNTFHS), 2009:5). Human security means the protection of the vital core of all human lives in ways that enhance human freedoms and human fulfilment (Commission on Human Security (CHS), 2000). Alkire (2003:3) points out that “the vital core” may be defined in the space of capabilities, the freedom people must do and to be. The elements of the vital core are fundamental human rights which all persons and institutions are obliged to respect or provide, even if the obligations are not perfectly specifiable.”

However, it is pertinent to stress that the UN perspective of human security is not intended to displace and or replace state security, instead, their relationship should be seen as complementary to each other, hence human security and state security are mutually reinforcing and depend on each other, without human security, state security cannot be attained and vice versa (Human Security Centre, 2003:6). Similarly, Mahbub ul Hag, (1995:115) argues that the world is entering a new era in which the very concept of security will change-and change dramatically…as security of people not just territory, security of individuals’ not just nations, security through development, not through arms, security of all the people everywhere, in their homes, in their jobs, in their streets, in their communities, in their environment. According to Kofi Annan, cited in Weller (2041:4) before now, security is defined almost entirely in terms of military might and the balance of terror, but today, we know that… lasting peace requires a broader vision encompassing areas such as education and health, democracy and human rights, protection against environmental degradation, and the proliferation of deadly weapons. Anan maintained that we cannot be secure amidst starvation, that we cannot build peace without alleviating poverty, and that we cannot build freedom on the foundations of injustice.

At the international level, human security presupposes that the international community has the obligations to intervene to protect citizens’ security when their own states cannot provide it. Human security, in this sense… is a form of forward defence against common threats to humanity, utilizing new diplomatic and other tools (Heinbecker, 2000:25), such as “the new agenda of… the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine (R2P)” (Axworthy, 2007:15). Under this doctrine, Deng (2013:54-55) emphasized the responsibility inherent in sovereignty that at the core of this responsibility is the state’s obligation to protect its citizens from violence.

In practice the Japanese, Canadian and Norwegian concepts of human security deserve special attention to demonstrate the feasibility or otherwise of the doctrine in the international security discourse. Tadjbakhsh (2005:20) argues that Japan has been one of the leading countries that have provided leadership and funding for human security. The Japanese approach to human security concentrates on freedom from want… which promotes measures designed to protect people from threats to their livelihoods and dignity while supporting self-empowerment to bring out the people’s potential.” On the other hand, “the Canadian interpretation of human security focuses on “freedom from pervasive threats to people’s rights, safety, or lives” – the protection of civilians, conflict prevention, public safety, governance and accountability, and peace support operations” (Alkire, 2003:21).

Further to the above, the Norwegian human security likewise focuses on the freedom from fear on aspects of human security, and identifies a core agenda of preventive action, small arms and light weapons control, and peace operations (Lodgaard, 2001:17). “Both nations found human security, with its emphasis on protecting individuals, to be useful in highlighting the new and necessary aspects of security from violence (Alkire, 2003:21). The foregoing ideas and principles of human security as put forward by the United Nations, policy makers, security experts and commentators formed the general framework in understanding the concept of human security as opposed to state-based realist notion of security.

Human security has been criticized for so many reasons, particularly on its “complexity and confusion” over the theoretical and practical differences between human security, human rights, and human development, hence the concept is subject to varying interpretation. Proponents of human security saw the new approach in security studies as a welcome development and long over-due, whereas the opponents are sceptical over the broad scope of threat challenges inherent in the identified elements that comprise human security. Hudson, Kreidenweis & Carpenter, (2013:31) observed that in many international security circles, the concepts are used interchangeably, resulting in significant confusion… there has been almost no attempt within the UN system to articulate the differences, both in theory and in practice, between human security, human rights, and human development. Evelien (2014:8) points out that twenty-five years in existence critics argue that the concept of human security is largely academic, that it is vague and too all-encompassing, hence it does not assist researchers in understanding what security means or help decision makers and practitioners to formulate good policies and programs. She infers that evidence are bound where some states claimed to intervene militarily for humanitarian reasons, but their interventions generally aim to advance their own interest. Major powers have used force to intervene in other states’ affairs, justifying their actions on humanitarian grounds. One major flaw of the UNDP Human Security Report is that it labelled “everything” as a human security threat, which makes it difficult to study the connection between the components. Buttressing this point, Fukuda-Parr and Massineo, (2012:2) state that human security is often criticized as ambiguous, and subject to as many interpretations – questions remain as to exactly what function it is serving. Is it a full-scale conceptual paradigm, a doctrine for a new global security policy, a norm, or just a term, hence scholars have questioned the relevance and practicability of human security as a policy approach and practice.

Owen (2004:378) argues that in a theoretical sense, shifting the referent to the individual proliferates the concept without adding analytic value – the more harms that are labelled ‘security threats’ the harder it is to study the relationship between them. The author said, in terms of policy practice, labelling all potential harms to individual security threats makes prioritizing political action impossible. In the same vein, policy critics points to the consequences of securitizing development and humanitarian assistance… making education a security issue facilitates more effective action, or instead leads to militaristic solutions for problem of social welfare (Krause 1998, in Owen, 2004:379). Conversely, Trachsler (2011:2) added that human security has been instrumentalized by traditional security actors and has therefore lost its radical transformation potential. Instead of challenging the global political and economic power structures that are responsible for most of the causes of human insecurity, the label of human security only serves to combat the symptoms of human insecurity, such as poverty, unemployment, or violent conflicts in a makeshift approach. Importantly, Peou (2014:51) argued that the UNDP approach does not equate human security with human development because the former is treated as a concept, whereas the latter is regarded as a policy means designed to ensure or enhance the security of people whose lives are under the threat of both political violence and economic underdevelopment. In all, human security debate is unlikely to fade away, much has been written, more is being written and still much more is likely to be written about it (Peou. 2013:9). The concept of human security “is rooted in history, events and outcome therefore are still relevant in the ongoing and emerging causes of human insecurity and has opened up a new line of analysis, given voice to new actors and added value in the field of security studies” (Alkire, 2003:22).

Despite these arrays of criticisms by scholars, governmental and non-governmental actors and policy makers, the idea of human security has undoubtedly contributed immensely to human security debate among scholars and students of international relations, precisely security studies. It is increasingly being adopted as a doctrine to guide foreign policies and international development assistance, as well as a policy tool for programming in the field of security, development, and humanitarian work (UNTFHS 2009:12). Human security as a concept remains relevant and useful in assessing and analysing the Nigerian internal security condition. The general concern of human security, according to the United Nations Development Report (1994) is the individual, as opposed to the traditional state-centric approach to national security. The import of viewing security beyond arms and troops stem from the Post-Cold War experience of persistent threats of poverty, inequality, human rights abuse, and intra-state conflicts, which undoubtedly reflects the present Nigerian internal security threat situation. The security of any nation lies not only in its military capacity to deter or prevent external aggression, but equally in the ability to protect and provide the basic human needs of the citizens. It is instructive to note that the circumstances that threaten national security do not just occur. They exist due to external and internal insurrection and conditions that result from state/citizen needs and actions.

Summarily, the varying opinion of security and security studies notwithstanding, the key takeaway remains the common understanding and consensus among scholars and security experts, commentators, and policy makers of the important need to re-think and broaden security from different perspectives as opposed to the realist state-centric notion and tradition.

The global perspectives of human security

Scholars are divided on what human security is and what it is not. The end of the cold war year and the growing number of threats to human security necessitated the renewed call for a shift of focus away from state-based approach to security to human safety and survival. Importantly, the questions of which humans should be secured, what type of threat to them should be dealt with, who provides for their security have remained highly controversial because the answers depend on the ideological position or theory one adopts (Peou, 2014:1). According to the UN report, human security is not a concern with weapons – it is a concern with human life and dignity (UNDP, 1994).

The Commission on Human Security (CHS) defined human security as… to protect the vital core of all human lives in ways that enhance human freedoms and human fulfilment. It means creating political, social, environmental, economic, military, and cultural system that together give people the building blocks of survival, livelihood, and dignity (CHS 2003:4). Holding on to the above, foreign policy makers, states and non-state actors in international relations interpreted the UN and CHS definitions of human security to mean conflict resolution, security intervention, social security, poverty alleviation and gender security. In the same vein, foreign policy analysts further linked the idea of human security with comprehensive security, collective security, global security, and power politics. Cooperative security pays growing attention to the need for intrastate peacebuilding, which involves, among other things, the promotion of human rights and democracy, building the rule of law, criminal justice, and economic reconstruction (Peou, 2014:47). Similarly, Pattman (2005:61) opined that global security denotes the wellbeing of individuals, firms, social movements, social classes, non-whites, wage workers, women, indigenous people, the poor, post-colonials, and planetary ecosystems.

From the foregoing, the concept of human security equates security with people rather than territories, with development rather than arms (Muloongo, 2005:2). Human security is all about a re-think of the use of arms over poverty alleviation, defence over human welfare, conflict over social harmony, tangible over intangible security issues. Consequently, human security in its broadest sense, embraces far more than the absence of violent conflict. It encompasses human rights, good governance, access to education and health care and ensuring that everyone has opportunities and choices to fulfil their potential” (Muloongo, 2005:1). The UN’s definition of human security (freedom from fear and freedom from want) remained relevant and instructive in the contemporary Afghan security discussion and practice. The issue of poverty and insecurity in Afghanistan after the exit of the former Soviet Union, followed by the United States invasion in 2001 once more brought to the fore the issue of the “gun versus bread debate”. The American security policy in Afghanistan remained the orthodox security strategy of state protection to the detriment of the ravaging poverty, unemployment, inequality, and human development in Afghanistan. The American security agenda in Afghanistan concentrated on “eliminating the threat of the Taliban, demobilizing the remaining Afghan militias and suppressing the narcotics trade” (Tadjbakhsh, 2005:4). Contrary to the US security policy approach, the Afghan National Human Development Report (ANHDR) argued that in a country where the GDP per capita was $200, life expectancy 44.5, and the literacy rate 28.7%, the priority of the new government should be to provide human security as a public good for all (ANHDR, 1990:4). Tadjbakhsh (2005:58) points out that insecurity in Afghanistan is not only a problem of physical safety, but also of deprivation and restricted access to health and education facilities, legal and political rights, and social opportunities.” He further stated that dealing with insecurity should not be sought through short term military solution… but a long-term comprehensive strategy that abides by promises of development and promotion of human rights. The author asserts that security is not only that of the state and its institutions or of the national territory but also, and especially, of the people living within Afghanistan.

Furthermore, the question of who provides human security brought to the fore the issue of humanitarian intervention. The resurgence of the principle of humanitarian intervention can be traced to the 1994 Rwandan genocide where about 800,000 people were brutally murdered in an ethnic conflict which raised the issues of human protection and the responsibility to protect in war or conflict situation. The core idea of the R2P is that all governments have an obligation to protect their populations from four mass atrocity crimes: genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crime against humanity, it is primarily a preventive doctrine (Adams, 2012:11).

The concept of the responsibility to protect argued that at the core of this responsibility is the state’s obligation to protect its citizens from violence. If a state fails to protect its nationals from harm, the international community must undertake the responsibility to do so (Donnell, 2014:561). The UN Charter explicitly bans the threat of or use of force against one another in conflict situation (UNC, Article 14). The only exceptions to this prohibition are actions in individual or collective self-defence or actions approved by the United Nations Security Council (Article 15). The Charter also authorizes members to utilize regional security arrangements (Article 17) but prohibits such entities from taking enforcement actions without authorization from the Security Council (Article 18). However, there are circumstances under which the United Nations Charter permits states to use force to defend its territory and people without its authorization or endorsement. They include self-defence – when there is threat to state security, anticipatory self-defence in a case of armed attack, hot-pursuit cross border raid on land, defence of nationals abroad, humanitarian intervention, collective self-defence, and self-defence on the high sea (Article 51)

In spite of the UN provision of non-interference in the internal affairs of states, the idea of the responsibility to protect was endorsed and made a matter of international discussion by Kofi Annan, who in relation to Rwanda and Kosovo pogroms raised a fundamental question of who is responsible for protecting people from gross violations of human rights in the event of an internal or external crisis and the issue of the use of force against another state (Deng,1996). Annan argued that if we are to take human rights seriously, we must embrace the concept of ‘the responsibility to protect,’ as a basis for collective action to prevent and stop instances of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity (Outreach Program on the Rwandan Genocide and the United Nations (OPRGUN, 2012:1). As a policy tool, R2P allows a re-examination of the changing norms of sovereignty, collective security, and power politics. Ultimately, the question is posed as to who is in the best position to “provide” human security as a public good, who are the actors, what are their duties, and what are the factors that impinge on their responsibility to protect? (Tadjbakhsh, 2005:9).

The concept gained currency and momentum in the report of the Canadian International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), after the UN’s failure to prevent genocide in Rwanda. In its 2001 Report, the ICISS identified three fundamental elements that elucidate the idea of the responsibility to protect. The “first is the responsibility to prevent, under which states should tackle the root causes of conflicts before emergencies erupt, second the responsibility to react, states should respond to crises through sanctions, military interventions, or other appropriate measures, third, the responsibility to rebuild, involves states aiding states recovering from crises (Donnell, 2014:562). Subsequently, at the 2005 World Summit, 190 states produced an agreement declaring, in part, that every state has a responsibility to protect its citizenry and to prevent genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crime against humanity (Bellamy and Reike, 2011:81).

Bellamy and Reike (2011:81) argue that “should a state fail to uphold this mandate; the international community has the responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic and peaceful means to protect the civilian population. If such means are inadequate, the Security Council should be prepared to take “timely and decisive” action in accordance with article VII of the UN Charter.

Furthermore, the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s conceptualization of the R2P contains three pillars, the first pillar is the state’s R2P its citizenry, originating from the basic tenets of sovereignty, the second pillar revolves around the responsibility of the international community to help states fulfil the responsibilities described in the first pillar, the final pillar concerns intervention consistent with the UN Charter if a state is manifestly failing to protect its citizens as described in the first pillar (Donnell, 2014:562).

However, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has been bitterly divided over whether humanitarian intervention is justified by the responsibility to protect, especially with respect to unilateral intervention (Donnell, 2014:563). Unilateral intervention is explained to mean a situation where states or international organizations, for example NATO could single handed intervene in other states’ internal crisis through whatever means without the authorization of the UN Security Council. For example, the Security Council military action in Iraq, the NATO intervention in Kosovo and Libya, the United States military intervention in Panama and Nicaragua, to mention but a few. In other instances, the international community has failed to intervene during or to prevent the commission of devastating human rights violations, including genocide” (Security Council Resolutions 940/794/688 of 1994, 1992 1991, respectively), for example, the Rwandan ethnic cleansing in 1994, “Bosnian town of Srebrenica in 1995”, “Sudan in 2003” and in Cambodia. From the foregoing, the issue of R2P in the international community brings to the fore two perspectives of human security strategy: human protection through negotiation, sanction and military intervention in war situation and human security of the individual in terms of human welfare and development.

Human security and development in the era of colonial administration in Nigeria

According to Deng (2008:192) “the African post-colonial states have been bogged down by its own political insecurities to such an extent that the issue of human security – which affects most of its citizens – has become, at best, secondary and at worse, completely irrelevant.” Apart from the situation brought about by natural factors such as those of geography, ethnic or national composition, as well as the natural and human resources (Imobighe 2003:1), human insecurity has remained for decades a part of an enduring internal inherited colonial legacy in Africa. The colonial administration’s security policy in Africa was oriented towards regime protection and economic benefits rather than the concern for the security and wellbeing of the indigenous people of Africa, notably in the British colonies. In the cold war era, the issue of security in Africa and elsewhere in the globe reflected the traditional state-centric approach, hence human welfare, and wellbeing, including human developments were relegated to obscurity. Consequently, the newly established African states became preoccupied with the protection of their own state security rather than focusing on human security, which, by definition, consolidates the state’s security (Deng, 2008:193). The Nigerian experience is none the less different from majority of countries in Africa. Nigeria being one of the British colonized states in Africa has since independence promoted and adopted state-based and regime security strategies and practices as opposed to human welfare and development. Human security and development in Nigeria have been seriously disrupted and disoriented by a series of events and outcomes in Nigerian history, government, and politics, to include the era of British colonial administration, the Nigeria-Biafra War (1967-1970), the epileptic military intervention in Nigerian government and politics, a condition that span for three decades before the advent of the present democratic dispensation. The concern here is to ascertain the extent the phases of events and outcomes have impacted on – human security and development in Nigeria.

Nigeria is a British creation, a move that began with the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates by the then Governor-general Lord Fredrick Lugard in 1914. The essence of the unholy marriage was to ease the financial burden of the British government, particularly in the northern part of Nigeria, and for economic and administrative benefits and convenience than human security and development of the indigenous nationalities of Nigeria. Conversely, Ijomah (2017:4) opined that “indeed one of the reasons for the amalgamation was the fact that the British colonial government was tired of carrying the burden of the North and they thought that by merging the Southern and Northern protectorates, the country would be stable. Events and the outcome in Nigeria since the amalgamation and after independence in 1960 have not only proved the British colonial administration wrong. It may be argued that the motive was neither for political exigencies nor by a closer cultural understanding among the diverse elements joined together to constitute Nigeria. Geary (1927:124-125) observed that “due to its geographical location and cloudy economic prospects, the northern protectorate was not likely to be viable… the prosperity of the southern protectorate as evidenced by the liquor trade has risen by 57 percent, liquor trade alone yielded revenue of 1,138 000 pounds in 1913 which he believed was the result of amalgamation of the Lagos colony with the Southern protectorates.

The unconsented amalgamation and or union brought together major and minor ethnic nationalities that are entirely distinct in terms of historical background, level of education, level of economic and political development, cultural affinity, common language, and religious practices, hence human security, nation building, and national unity, peace, and development were compromised and remained elusive. With the amalgamation in place, the vital and contending issue of human security and national unity of the protectorate was virtually non-existent, hence a secondary concern to the colonial administration, and where such exist it was for a specific reason and purpose. For instance, Uzomah (2018:2) asserts that “the establishment of Islamic religion and Christianity in conjunction with Arabic and English language was aimed to strengthen the newfound faith not for economic benefit, security and development of the colonized indigenes”. He further opined that the education prospectus of the colonial powers in Africa, as it were, was dominated by the study of… social science subjects, wherein the products ended up as teachers, pastors, Imams, office clerks and language interpreters. The policy deliberately excluded science programs from the African school curriculum. Consequently, the introduction of western education disrupted and disoriented African indigenous knowledge system and communication, history, culture, and religion, which in part constitute the root cause of African poverty, high rate of unemployment, and poor economic growth, and to a larger extent Africa’s underdevelopment.

Furthermore, there were instances where the colonial government were involved in human rights abuse, suppression of legitimate service delivery protests, tax increase, instigation of ethnic and community conflicts and wars, including the dethronement and replacement of native community heads with the so called “warrant chiefs,” in the south-eastern part of Nigeria, precisely in Igbo land. The Aba women’s riot in 1929 is instructive, where the colonial administration imposed direct taxation on women, in addition to the introduction of new local courts to prosecute those involved in civil disobedience. These changes were deemed antithetical and taboo to the indigenous Igbo tradition, norms, values, and culture. The change of traditional governance in Igbo land as opposed to the familiar republican system ultimately alienated individuals and communities from participating actively in the socio-economic and political affairs and development of their communities. Local communities became onlookers in their own environments depending on the “order” of the ‘ruling’ officers known as ‘warrant chiefs (Anyanele, 2019:170).

In all, the imposition of warrant chiefs on the natives, the divide and rule policy and the anti-human security architecture established by the British colonial government in Nigeria resulted in community crisis, ethnic division, corruption, distrust, religious bigotry, and hatred between the north and south in general, and among the major tribes in Nigeria – Hausa, Yoruba, and Igbos in particular. These unresolved existential challenges metamorphosed into one of the unfortunate and infamous bloodiest coups, subsequently the Nigeria-Biafra War in 1967. To this end, one can strongly argue that the un-negotiated nature of the amalgamation of the Northern and southern protectorates and its attendance consequences impacted on the current situation of human insecurity and inadequate development in Nigeria.

Human security in the post Nigerian Civil War era

After the collapse of Biafra in 1970, the victorious Nigerian side led by Lt Col. Yakubu Gowon officially assumed office as the military head of state and commander in chief of the armed forces. He subsequently commenced the daunting task of nation building, infrastructure reconstruction and human security development. His “first action towards nation-building was to get rid of bitter regional politics to pave the way for Nigerian unity” (Gbor, 2004:232), by establishing the self-styled 3Rs (Rehabilitation, Reconstruction and Reconciliation) process. Rehabilitation (to assist the victims of the war), Reconstruction (to rebuild damaged infrastructure on both sides), and Reconciliation (to make peace among ethnic nationalities in Nigeria). Unfortunately, this vision was short lived and truncated by a bloodless coup that saw the overthrow of General Yakubu Gowon and the emergence of Murtala Mohammed in 1976. Expectedly, the post war rehabilitation, reconstruction and reconciliation program designed specifically for eastern region was abandoned till date. Subsequently, Nigeria began to experience frequent coups, attempted coups, and counter coups in the early 80s and late 90s. The era also witnessed a surge in human rights abuse, armed robbery attacks, poverty, and massive unemployment as the consequences of the civil war in Nigeria. However, with the return of civilian democracy in 1999, after decades of military misrule and mismanagement of resources, this condition continued unabated. Mbachu, (2013:26) observed that since 1999… the level of insecurity in Nigeria has assumed a national emergency dimension, a situation which threatened to destroy Nigeria as an indivisible entity. He further stated that the institutional and other mechanisms for managing national security are either incapable of functioning appropriately or are in dire need for complete overhaul. In the same vein, Matazu (2013:45) concurs that the Nigerian internal security is threatened by heinous crimes perpetrated with impunity across the country, consisting among others unbridled kidnapping and hostage taking, violent crime, robberies, insurgency, political and civil disorder… aggravated by rapid socio-economic changes and deteriorating economic trends. All efforts put in place by the civilian regimes to change the insecurity narrative in Nigeria appears to have hit a brick wall, because the security architecture is underfunded, security officers allegedly corrupt and incompetent, hence they lack all it takes to checkmate the array of physical and human insecurity in the country.

It is instructive to note that since the advent of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration in 2015, insecurity has surged to the extent that millions of people in the north-east and north-west Nigeria have either been displaced by Boko Haram, bandits, kidnapping for ransom or Fulani herdsmen, a situation that orchestrated the mushrooming of hundreds of Internally Displaced Person’s (IDP) Camps within neighbouring towns and states. Today, most politicians from northern extraction, such as Borno, Yobe, Zamfara, Katsina and Kaduna states are now scared to visit their ancestral villages, constituencies, or senatorial zones for security reasons. This reality remained the same in southern Nigeria where herdsmen have taken control of the bushes and forests harassing indigenous farmers, raping women, and killing who so ever dares to challenge them. The above condition has led to a weak, volatile, and unpredictable internal security situation, which has, more than ever, resulted in heavy military provision of aid to civilian authority (National Defense Policy, 2006). Under President Buhari’s administration, the Nigerian military has witnessed more internal military operations than any other time in history, hence the military is overstretched and weak to contain myriads of internal security challenges in Nigeria. The Nigerian police appears not to have the capacity to take on these hoodlums brandishing all forms of sophisticated arms and ammunitions across the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. In all of these, the government seem to be weak and ill prepared to deal with these criminals from within and outside the country. There has been trending allegation that the Nigeria military and police officers and men collude with these criminals to perpetrate crime. Instances are bound where herdsmen and bandits are released from police cell within hours and days in despite the atrocities (killing, rape, kidnaping and cattle rustling) committed on innocent and armless Nigerians. In the area of human security and development, one can comfortably contest with evidence already in the public domain that the Nigerian government, past and present have demonstrated lack of capacity to tackle socio-political cum economic security challenges confronting her, notwithstanding of billions of naira budgeted and approved for this purpose.

Human security development in Nigeria

There is no established common definition of development between and among social science scholars and researchers. Development can be interpreted in different perspectives depending on the purpose, orientation, discipline, or institution. “The process of development is also complex and does not always follow one path. History shows us that one country might prioritize’ human welfare progression like education and health, whilst another country might prefer rapid economic progression. For instance, while the World Bank and many other institutions still focus on economic and social development, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) places human beings at the center of all development efforts. Instead of asking how much a nation is producing, UNDP asks how its people are faring, hence human development is viewed as an alternative to economic and social development and even to human resource development (Harald, 1991:236). In support of the UNDP perspective, Imobighe, (2013:7) aptly noted that it is quite easy to give statistical figures showing a rise in GDP, increase in the number of schools, hospitals and health centres that have been built within a given time frame, as indicative of development. Besides, he argues that development goes beyond mere growth of the economy to indicate how the above figures translate to the improvement of the conditions of life of the average person within the affected society. This position aptly captured the perspective of the study. According to the United Nations Report (2005:56) development means, to lead long and healthy lives, to be knowledgeable, to have access to the resources needed for a decent standard of living and to be able to participate in the life of the community. In this sense, development is fundamentally human-cantered reflecting measures for change, opportunities, fulfilment of needs and aspiration of the people in society. It is a process of change from a lower to higher or better situation (Imobighe, 2013:6). Broadly speaking, human development therefore means human flourishing in its fullest sense—in matters public and private, economic, and social and political and spiritual (Alkire, 2003:35). Put differently, Amartya Sen, in People and William (2015:157) argue that “human development is cantered on the extent to which human beings have access to the basic facilities to maximize their potentials. In the same vein, Keeper (2011, cited in Onu, 2013:90) contend that sustainable development does not involve capital accumulation and economic growth only, but the condition in which people in a country have adequate food, job, and income inequality among them is greatly reduced”. The author was of the view that development encompasses growth and embraces the quality of life as social justice, equality of opportunity for all citizens, equitable distribution of income and the democratization of development processes.

On this backdrop, the UNDP established the Human Development Index (HDI) as “a composite measure of income per capita focusing on three basic dimensions of human development: the ability to lead a long and healthy life, measured by life expectancy at birth; the ability to acquire knowledge, measured by mean years of schooling and expected years of schooling; and the ability to achieve a decent standard of living, measured by gross national income per capita (UNDP Report, 2018). Subsequently, the institution classified human development index in four categories, namely, very high, high, medium, and low human development of which Nigeria falls within the lowest category in 2017. Out of 189 countries, Nigeria ranked 157 on the table, with an HDI value of 0.532, life expectancy at birth at 53.9, expected year of schooling at 10.0, mean year of schooling at 6.2, Gross National Income (GNI) per capita at 5231, GNI per capita rank minus, HDI rank at – 20 and HDI ranking at 156” (UNDP Human Development Report Statistics 2017). Comparatively, the above statistics placed the average HDI achievement of Nigeria at 0.5 (lowest category), while developed and developing countries ranked very high, high, and medium at 0.9 and 0.8, 0.7 and 0.6 respectively (UNDPR, 2017).

In addition, Price Waterhouse, and Coopers (PWC) (2016:3) x-rays the Nigerian human development from the people’s welfare perspective as opposed to state and economic development. With GDP in Market Exchange Rate (MER) standing at $490 billion in 2015, Nigeria was ranked as Africa’s largest economy and could be the 9th largest global economy by 2050 according to PWC estimates. Prior to the recent decline in the price of crude oil, Nigeria enjoyed strong economic growth at a Compound Annual Growth Rate (CAGR) of 5.3%, post-rebasing. Today, the Nigerian government can proudly show a long list of achievements in economic development demonstrated in agriculture, infrastructure, and exchange rate stability, maintaining a single treasury account, the decline in inflation and getting Nigeria out of recession. However, with this startling accomplishment, the baseline question remains to what extent have this “progress” improved the Nigerian human development index? Put differently, how does the economic development translate into “widespread benefit” to the ordinary Nigerian citizens, especially in food security, adequate shelter, good health care, standard of education and environmental degradation? How free and secured is the average individual on the street? According to PWC (2016:5) “despite strong economic growth at a CAGR of 5.3% post-rebasing, Nigeria has been plagued with jobless growth phenomenon as employment growth has only averaged 1.3%, with persistent incidences of high increase of unemployment from 6.0% in 2011 to 8.2% in 2015, with a growing number of youths massively underemployed at 18.3% of the labour force. The new trend among Nigerian Governors in this democratic dispensation was to embark on a mismatch of massive investment on tangible and conspicuous infrastructure projects for self and public praises. Hence a chief executive of a state can proudly recounts on national television the number of flyovers and roads he has built for the state without commensurate progress or much to show in terms of achievements on human welfare, such as poverty alleviation program, free medical care, free education or scholarships, number of markets or shops, palliatives and social grants for elderly and people with disabilities.

Human security and social justice

The term “social justice” entered the English language lexicon in the 19th century, “most often as a synonym for distributive justice. Mill (1863:42) made passing reference to social justice in connection with distributive justice: society should treat equally well all who have deserved equally well of it – that is, who have deserved an equally well period. All institutions and the efforts of all virtuous citizens should be made to converge on this standard as far as possible. Scholars have various interpretations of the meaning of social justice. Social justice can mean equal access to basic liberties and the fair distribution of goods and opportunities” (Rawls, 1971:2001). It can also mean “recognition of difference and elimination of oppression across institutions, including the family (Young, 1990). Social justice can be conceived as an opportunity to participate equally in social and political life (Fraser, 2009). For the United Nations, justice is an ideal of accountability and fairness in the protection and vindication of rights and the prevention and punishment of wrongs. Justice implies regard for the rights of the accused, for the interests of victims and for the wellbeing of society at large (Arbour, 2007:4). These categories of meanings of social justice mirror the fundamental elements of human security, which according to the AU Summit (2004) means… including the protection of fundamental freedoms, the respect for human rights, good governance, access to education, healthcare, and ensuring that everyone has opportunities and choices to fulfil his/her potential (AU Summit, 2004). Put differently, Obasanjo (2012) cited in Osah and Lyanda, 2016:128), argues that “human security is not narrowly about protecting lives and property, about barbed-wire fences around the house, body guards for senior government officials and military defence of the nation … is about our physical, psychological, emotional, spiritual, economic, social and cultural wellbeing”, exemplified by access to social welfare, income equality, employment, security and individuals freedom from anxiety, depression and homelessness. For instance, the level of poverty, socio-political and political injustices meted on the youth by her government accounts for the emergence of multiple crime and criminality in Nigerian societies, indicative of the failure of government to provide equitable national and state privileges to citizens. “A nation that allows its youths to be idle is sitting on a time bomb because frustrated people seek relief in religion a case of Boko Haram is instructive (Tell Magazine, August 5, 2009:8). Buttressing this point, Obasanjo (2019:5) stated that with the prevailing high rate of youth unemployment currently put at over 70 per cent … a revolution is imminent in Nigeria, unless government rises and takes decisive steps to checkmate the increasing youth unemployment and the resultant poverty.

Measured in every standard, Nigeria is typically an epitome of unequal, unjust society, where respect for the rule of law is highly non-existent, and where the judiciary is up for grab for the highest bidder. The multiple faces of human injustices in the country can be experienced in both public and private sectors, specifically in school admissions job recruitment and staff promotion, political and religious appointments, distribution of government development projects, the list is endless. An average Nigerian, especially the youth has totally given up hope of survival in anything concerning the government. The situation has deteriorated to the extent that if you do not have access to a popular politician, rich or influential relative, influential “man of God” or traditional leader to assist you in university admission, civil or public service jobs, in court to bribe Judges or magistrates, your life will ever remain miserable in Nigeria. It is an open secret that in 2011 the former governor of Abia state in the southeast was declared the winner in a general election while serving jail term, for the simple reason that he belonged to the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP). This electoral fraud was possible because his political godfather was the outgoing governor of the state. With this level of impunity in place, achieving social justice, equity and fairness will be near impossible and elusive in Nigeria.

Conclusion

This chapter brings to the fore that the concept security is an elusive term that denotes militarisation of the state to protect its territory and citizens. The concept goes beyond such narrow definition, and it is all embracing to the effect that it has a positive role to play in the lives of individuals within a state and provide a nurturing environment for the self-growth and collective improvement through actualisation of their expectations as citizens. All too often the concept centres on state security measures as compared to human security which focusses on measures taken by the state to protect its citizens from threats to their livelihood and dignity. It is an empowering concept that promotes citizens personal development by realising their full potential as social actors. There must be a paradigm shift on the way in which human security is perceived beyond militaristic innuendos and focus on issues such as poverty alleviation, human welfare, social harmony, and intangible needs of citizens. Globally the concept has also been obscured as its interpretation is based on ideological positions adopted. There is an over preoccupation to respond to human security issues with arsenal instead of nurturing human life and dignity. The history of the globe has been characterised by military defence and conquest based on political ideology at the expense of ordinary citizens whose main consideration is to eke a livelihood, feel safe and self-advancement through development. In post-colonial Nigeria there has been a tendency to promote state-based and regime security strategies as opposed to reconstruction and development focussing on human welfare. Nigeria has undergone decades of militaristic rule expending vast amounts of resources in developing its military capabilities with the least focus on economic and social and economic development which haunts its newly found democracy since the 20^th Century. It is yet to recover from this hangover in providing human security to its citizens. The concept human security is closely aligned to social justice which includes protection of fundamental freedoms, respect for human rights, good governance access to basic services such as education, healthcare and providing an environment where every citizen hand realises their full potential.

CHAPTER FIVE

CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF HUMAN INSECURITY IN NIGERIA

Introduction

This chapter examines two objectives: the causes and the consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria. It draws from primary research data through an in-depth study undertaken by the authors. The essence of this chapter is to examine the findings and engage with knowledge gained from the Nigerian internal security policy with an emphasis on the existential threat to human security in Nigeria in the post military era.

The authors address two research questions to include, what are the major causes of human insecurity in Nigeria? Secondly, what are the socio-economic consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria? On this premise, an opportunity to share their insights on these key research questions t. The discussion of the findings is to create more and deeper meaning and understanding through extensive fieldwork. Specifically, the field data that was collected from selected research participants and analysed using descriptive statistics, frequency distribution, mean score values and extant literature. These approaches provide a greater insight in understanding the “unusual forces” at work that have “shaped, replicated and sustained” human insecurity, and by default threat to the Nigerian internal security.

Causes of human insecurity in Nigeria

In this section, the views of the respondents were articulated from seven elements to ascertain what could be the cause of the persistent human insecurity in Nigeria in the post-military era. From Table 4.1 and pictorially in Figure 4.1 the results revealed banditry, insurgency, unemployment, economic inequality, poverty, inadequate policy implementation and whether Nigeria is faced with more of internal than external security challenges, in that order, are perception on the major causes of insecurity in Nigeria.

Table 1: Causes of human insecurity in Nigeria. Table 4.1: Causes of human insecurity in Nigeria.

Causes of Human Insecurity	SD	D	A	SA	T	Mean
Nigeria is faced with more of internal than external security challenges	10 (16.7)	2 (3,3)	18 (30)	30 (50)	100	3.13
Inadequate policy implementation is the main source of human insecurity in Nigeria	4 (6.7)	7 (11.7)	20 (33.3)	29 (48.3)	100	3.23
Insurgency is one of the major causes of human insecurity in Nigeria	3 (5)	4 (6.7)	25 (41.7)	28 (46.7)	100	3.30
Banditry constitutes a threat to human security in Nigeria	1 (1.7)	6 (10)	20 (33.3)	33 (55)	100	3.42
Poverty is the root source of human insecurity in Nigeria	3 (5)	8 (13.3)	22 (36.7)	27 (45)	100	3.27
Economic inequality contributes to human insecurity in Nigeria	3 (5)	5 (8.3)	25 (41.7)	27 (45)	100	3.27
Unemployment constitutes a serious threat to human security in Nigeria	3 (5)	7 (11.7)	20 (33.3)	30 (50)	100	3.28

Source: Research Survey 2021

Figure 1 Mean scores of the causes of human insecurity in Nigeria.

Threat of armed banditry

The study revealed that threat of armed banditry tops the list on the cause of human insecurity in Nigeria. An overwhelming majority of the respondents (88.3%) agree that banditry is the major source of threat to human security in the country, while a minority held contrary views, with a mean score value of 3.42 as shown in Figure 4.1. This suggests that banditry has a strong impact on human insecurity, hence it constitutes an existential threat to the state, human security, and development in Nigeria.

These results may have been influenced by the experiences of the respondents in the study area, where most of the residents came from different parts of the country, and where armed bandits and insurgency are very much active, where the respondents may have also had the opportunity to interact with the public and policy makers in Abuja. The visible influx of foreign Fulani bandits from neighbouring West African countries in conjunction with their local agents in Nigeria may have equally informed the respondents position and serious concern about the subject matter, particularly in the Northwest, Northeast and North Central part of Nigeria. Findings also show that the respondents without exception concur that the human security situation in Nigeria is saddled with multiple challenges. However, virtually all the respondents could not present available statistics to demonstrate the rate and nature of vulnerability.

More importantly, the reality that banditry poses a great security danger has been documented in the previous literature and will remain so in the foreseeable future. These literature sources clearly show the presence of armed bandits across the country. From the present study and extant literature, it is evident that armed banditry is a global security challenge ravaging nation states with enormous and far reaching “impact on the political, social, and economic lives of the people affected, thereby posing a serious threat to sustainable human development of the people in regions and areas affected (Abdullahi, 2021:1). In Katsina state the governor, Aminu Bello-Masari had publicly confirmed the presence of Fulani bandits in 10 out of 34 local governments of the state” (Sahara reporters, New York, August 05, 2021), a condition that demonstrates the reality of the presence of armed bandits in the state.

On the contrary, Zubairu (2020:5) argues that elite exploitation of ethnicity and religious differences rather than physical threat of banditry is the major cause of human insecurity in Nigeria, stressing that, political and religious leaders across the nation sometimes use ethnic sentiments to achieve their selfish ambitions. This position lends credence to the opinion of one of the respondents, that “diversity is an issue in Nigeria,” but not so significant to derail the people’s socio-economic and political relationship, assistance, and mutual development. This is evidence in the existing cordial inter-ethnic marriages, business collaboration, and political affiliation, academic and cultural collaboration among ethnic nationalities across Nigeria. Paradoxically, and unfortunately so, diversity only becomes a serious issue when it comes to federal appointments, promotion and national election where political and religious leaders take advantage of ethnicity to divert the attention of the citizens to advance their political and religious ambition and interest, specifically in distribution of national wealth which in most cases … resulted in mass killings and property destruction of communities in various parts of the country (Adagba, et al (2012), Achumba, et al (2013). Furthermore, despite the current atrocities being perpetrated by the armed bandits in the northern part of the country, Emedo (2021:31) argues strongly that corruption rather than banditry is the prime cause of insecurity in Nigeria, thereby claiming that the current ranking of the Transparency International Report (TIR) places Nigeria on top of the list for the most corrupt country of the world. The author observed that the corrupt Nigerian politicians have become a turn-off for international investors. Corruption unarguably is a serious threat, but it is an old normal to human insecurity in Nigeria. However, in Nigeria today, banditry has become a household name as hardly a day goes by without reports of armed banditry, hence the respondents are of the view that banditry constitutes a prime source of human insecurity in Nigeria. Extant literature revealed government’s inability to invoke the provision of the Nigerian terrorism acts to deal with the insecurity posed by bandits, which corroborates respondents view that implementation rather than the formulation of security policies is the major source of human insecurity in Nigeria.

Apart from the threat of Boko Haram insurgency, poverty, unemployment economic inequality and the perennial herder-farmer conflicts appears to be a preeminent human security threat confronting President Mohammadu Buhari’s present administration. The findings revealed that the surge in banditry is attributable to the lack of political will and action to contain the criminal gangs. It also infers that “the territorial landscape of Nigeria constitutes a barrier to control the influx of foreign bandits in the country. It has been observed that the scale of operations of armed bandits is so high that it attracts both local and international attention and concern” (Abudulahi, 2021:2). The nefarious activities of the terror groups have been chronicled to comprise kidnapping and cattle rustling, which are on the increase due to the high economic payoff in terms of derivable financial benefits (National Security Summit Report, 2019:9), in addition to arm proliferation, illegal exploitation of resources, village and market raids, hijacking, sexual harassment and raping of women and children, and the destruction of life and property. According to the National Security Summit Report (2021:22) “since 2011, there has been a surge in attacks between the Fulani herdsmen and sedentary Hausa farmers … because of environmental and ecological changes which has caused land and water to become valuable commodities, sparking fierce and often violent competition over resources.

Trend analysis suggests a correlation between armed banditry, militia groups, kidnapping and cattle rustling, in what appears to be a convergence of various illegal networks (NSS, 2019:9). Empirical data suggests that inadequate work force (military and paramilitary) and centralized security architecture made it difficult if not impossible for the security agents to contain the brutal attacks of bandits in Nigeria.

On July 19, 2021, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) reported that bandits in Nigeria have shot down an air force plane in a rare case of a military jet being brought down by a criminal gang in the country (BBC News, 2021). Despite this sophistication and capability displayed by the hoodlums, the federal government appears to be adamant in the renewed calls to proscribe and designate the Fulani bandits as a terrorist organization. By so doing, the military would be able to trace the criminals to their hideouts, and subsequently arrest and prosecute them, alongside their sponsors and sympathizers according to the Nigerian Terrorism Act of 2013. Instead, the Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Mohammed was on the defensive, credited as saying that the armed bandits terrorizing North-West, and some parts of Northern Nigeria are common criminals … unlike Boko Haram and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) who have ideologies and flags, they are simply criminals (Sahara Reporters, October 2021). In a similar vein, Sheikh Ahmade Gumi was quoted as saying that herdsmen only kidnap school children for money, hence they are better than IPOB and Eastern Security Network (ESN) who go about killing northerners, (The Guardian Newspapers, 25 June 2021). These assertions corroborate interview findings where participants claim that in Nigeria, criminals are handsomely rewarded, sympathized, or supported for their crime either by the government or ethnic and religious affiliation.

Many factors account for the emergence and spread of bandits in their zone of operation, particularly in northern Nigeria. Interview findings point to the fact that Nigeria occupied large and unmanned geographical space bordering Chad, Cameroon, and Niger Republic, hence it seems near impossible to control the movements of foreign nationals, and border communities who for ages enjoy social, economic, and cultural affiliation with Nigerians.

Furthermore, it was observed that the terrain under which the Fulani bandits carry out their infamous operations appears to be in tandem with their nomadic lifestyle and culture, hence the bushes and forests serve as a comfort zone and safe haven from where they launch attacks on nearby communities and cities. “The existence of huge forests in the borderlands between Nigeria and Niger Republic provide hideouts, operational base, and training ground for the bandits, which make it difficult for security agencies to locate and defeat (West Africa Network for Peacebuilding 2020:6). Chikwuma and Francis (2014:112) argue that in most of Nigeria’s rural communities, there are many opportunities for criminal activity. Some of these communities are in remote areas where there is little or no government presence. The socio-economic condition of the border communities (abject poverty) also made it easier for bandits to bribe and recruit the unemployed and aggrieved youth in the area who have the feeling of abandonment by the Nigeran government. Above all, ethnic and seemingly nepotistic tendencies of the present administration towards foreign bandits appear to suggest that inaction against the group is tantamount to subtle encouragement to the bandits.

Extant literature has established that the federal and state governments are aware that most of the armed bandits threatening, attacking, abducting, and robbing villages and travellers of their valuables are foreign Fulani ethnic nationals from the Sahel region.

Drawing from the opinion of respondents and literature evidence, one can strongly affirm without contradiction that banditry is one of the prime causes of Nigerian internal security and threat to human security.

Threat of insurgency

The study revealed a significant threat of insurgency which most of the respondents, (81.6%) are in consensus that insurgency is a serious threat to human security in Nigeria, whereas a minority had contrary view. Figure 1 shows that the mean score value for this element account for 3.30, representing a high threat level of insurrection to the Nigerian state. These results show that the respondents are very much aware of the threat posed by insurgency in the Nigerian internal security and by extension foreign policy. Insurgency is an act of rebellion against the state and its component units – territory, population, government, and sovereignty. A closer look at the empirical data suggests that decades of social neglect of human welfare and development, as well as political marginalization of some ethnic nationalities pioneered the emergence of insurrection in the northeast, southeast and southwestern Nigeria. Since the late 1990s, violent protests have come to the fore as notable platforms through which aggrieved ethnic nationalities vent their anger, frustration, and dissatisfaction towards the Nigerian state. The case of Boko Haram insurgency and self-determination protests across the southern region of Nigeria are fingered as some of the examples and sources of insecurity.

Essentially, the truth is that the act of insurgency irrespective of the scope and size constitutes a great security challenge and a source of human insecurity in Nigeria, and perhaps may remain so in the foreseeable future. Besides the prevalence of insurgency in Nigeria, the authors are of the view that lack of job opportunities constitutes the key factor that drives Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. In biological parlance, in every stimulus there must be a response, hence the nexus between act of insurrection and poverty, unemployment and human rights abuse is not only strong but inseparable. A nation that neglects the welfare of her citizen, particularly the youth population stance the risk of experiencing restiveness, militancy, criminality, and act of civil disobedience against the state.

The history and activities of insurgency in Nigeria have been documented in the previous literature. Muzan (2014:223-230) argues that previous insurgencies in Nigeria varied in their scope, sophistication and intensity, it began with the declaration of the Niger Delta Republic in 1966, the declaration of the Biafra state that led to the Nigeria-Biafra war of 1967-70… Oodua People’s Congress in 1997, Northern Arewa groups in the late 1970s and 1980s, Boko Haram insurgency in 2009 … in addition to the renewed agitation of the “proscribed” Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) in the southeast and IIana Omo Oodua in the south west. The interview sources found that since the inception of insurgency in Nigeria, the agitators have used different platform and strategies to try to expose the misrule of Nigerian political leaders with intent to win local and international support and sympathy for their struggle. In the specific case of Boko Haram insurgency, the findings revealed that the sect was said to be “critical of government inefficiency, lack of accountability and corrupt practices which has resulted in unemployment and increase in poverty in Borno state in particular and Northern Nigeria as a whole…” (Hamidu, 2020:7). The finding corroborates the view that at an early stage the Boko Haram activities were not violent, they were rather engaged in mere protest and civil disobedience against the state, aimed to ventilate their frustration over the arrest and extrajudicial murder of their leader whose intention was to establish a caliphate and enshrine sharia law in Borno state.

Viewed differently, the findings infer that the main cause of insurgency and by extension human insecurity is more of socio-economic and political issues than religion in north-eastern Nigeria where many people are living in abject poverty. The northern political leaders are not doing fine… they deprive most of their citizens of their fundamental rights to socio-economic opportunities” (Olofinbiyi, 2016:155). This position allied with the argument that corruption of the northern political chiefs is also a factor, the political elites want to divert the attention of the masses from their inability to run the economy of the country efficiently and effectively, thereby enabling them to embezzle more money (Ofinbiyi, 2016:151). Further to the above, and contrary to the religious factor is the position of the “outlawed” Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), led by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu who had alleged political marginalization, social injustice, and exclusion of the southeast zone in sensitive political appointments and development projects, as the main cause of the group’s agitation.

Based on the respondent views and literature findings one can argue that poverty and unemployment rather than religious sentiments best describe the major cause of insurgency and human insecurity in Nigeria. However, in the case of Boko Haram, the issue of religion cannot be out-rightly wished away because the sect emerged ab-initio as a religious movement under a spiritual leader Mohammad Yusuf, whereas socio-economic and political marginalization combined should be blamed for the act of violent protest and youth restiveness in the southeast and southwestern Nigeria, respectively.

Threat of unemployment

The study clearly shows that unemployment constitutes an existential threat to human security in Nigeria, with most of the respondents (83.3%) gravitating towards agreeing with the assertion, while a minority disagree. Figure 1 indicates that the mean score value of the variable stood at 3.28, meaning that unemployment is a sufficient impact factor and source of human insecurity in Nigeria. It also demonstrates the degree of the respondent’s awareness and understanding of the serious challenge posed by joblessness. The issue of unemployment and its attendant threat and cause of human insecurity have remained a concern among individuals, scholars, and social welfare commentators. While some are of the view that the surge on unemployment is because of years of neglect and bad government policies on industrial and human development, others claim lack of adequate skill and competence required for local and international labour markets, which seem to question the credibility of the Nigerian educational system.

The high response rate in the study is an indication of the prevailing rate of joblessness in the country. It might interest the reader to note that the provision of job opportunities is the socio-economic obligation of the private sector, hence in a practical sense, government does not create jobs rather it provides an enabling environment and the necessary friendly economic policies to attract local and foreign businesses to thrive. Keynes (2015:5) asserts that, output and employment creations are functions of investors’ short and long-term expectations. He further stated that such expectations, which feed into investment in productive enterprises and employment generation would be baseless and non-existent in the absence of the right policy and institutional frameworks.

The authors opine that unemployment in Nigeria is caused by the influx of foreign nationals who are either seasonal, clandestine, professional or refugee workers. Since the 1970’s, highly skilled migrants, including doctors, paramedical personnel, nurses, teachers, lecturers, engineers, scientists, and technologists have moved from Ghana first to Nigeria and later to other African countries … attracted by relatively higher salaries and better prospects of living conditions (Yaro, 2008:5). Between 2020 and 2021, Nigeria counted 1.3 million international migrants and over 70 thousand refugees and asylum seekers (Sasu, 2022). Akinyemi and Mobolaji, (2022) observes that with a population estimated at 206 million in 2020, Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and seventh in the world. The country’s population is growing at 2.6% a year, one of the fastest rates globally. At this rate, Nigeria’s population could double within the next 25 to 30 years. Besides the galloping population growth, the major issue is endemic corruption and mismanagement of funds inherent in private and public institutions in Nigeria. After all, China, India, Brazil, and United states with about 1. 4 billion, 1.3 billion, 300 million and 350 million people respectively, are more populated than Nigeria, but have less people out of job, courtesy of good economic policies and good governance.

Fundamentally, the reality remained that unemployment is one of the main causes of human insecurity and may likely remain so in the coming decades if appropriate measures are not taken by the government. An array of evidence has been documented in the previous literature as regards the factors enabling unemployment in Nigeria. Historical evidence and experience have shown that part of the unemployment challenges in Nigeria stem from the Eurocentric system of western education that was adopted by not only Nigeria, but Africa as a whole. The western education curricula as it were, lacks the local content that speaks to the promotion and preservation of indigenous knowledge and initiatives geared towards practical solution to local needs. Put differently, inadequate homegrown education curricula, and ineffective governance has resulted in the rollout of a mismatch of tertiary graduates that are poorly prepared to provide the necessary skills and competence required for the job market. Collaborating the views of the participants on the current educational system the Nigerian Institute of Personnel Management observed that lack of national employment policy, sub-optimal quality of graduates, educational system not tailored and aligned to industry need and inappropriate educational curricula (IPM, 2016:7), combined to impact negatively on the Nigerian educational system. Lack of legislative provision for educational rights in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, also pose a serious challenge, (see – Chapter 1V Section 33). The unemployment situation in Nigeria cannot be addressed without embarking on genuine restructuring of the Nigerian education system. Olukayode (2017:8) argue that poor governance and policy direction, inconsistent government policy, including… lack of synergy between the production of graduates and employment opportunities underscore the complexity of the graduate unemployment issue in Nigeria. Analysing the sources of graduate unemployment in Malaysia, Sirat and Shuib (2012:3) and Noor (2011:170) opined that job miss-match, English proficiency, misguided educational qualification and lack of employable skills were factors accountable for unemployment among university graduates. A similar view was expressed by Madoui, (2015:40) that, the disconnection between the university educational system and the world of work are the striking cause of graduate unemployment in Algeria. Nigerian authorities seem to underestimate the worth and capability of the indigenous engineers in terms of management and execution of mega projects for lack of “technological know-how”, proficiency and confidence. The Nigerian government is in the habit of awarding lucrative tenders to foreign multinational corporations from preferably the United States of America, Germany, France and most recently China and other Arabian companies, resulting in the astronomical increase in graduate unemployment in Nigeria. One interviewee asserted that the inability of government to fill vacant posts in the ministries and departments is to be blamed for the rate of unemployment in Nigeria. This demonstrates neglect and lack of commitment to engage skilled unemployed graduates who could best use their services to improve the ailing public sector.

Based on the views of participants and extant literature findings, one can argue that a combination of political issues, socioeconomic and policy related factors rather than incompetence and the so-called technological know-how contributes to the persistent and high rate of unemployment in Nigeria.

Poverty and economic inequality

Poverty and economic inequality significantly form part of the sources of human insecurity in Nigeria, with an overwhelming majority of the respondents (86.7%) generally agreed with the assertion, whereas a minority of the respondents held contrary opinions, which accounted for a mean value of 3.27 as shown in Figure1. This suggests that poverty and economic inequality contribute immensely to the rate of insecurity in Nigeria, as highlighted in the respondent’s awareness of the pervasive poverty and the high degree of economic inequality in Nigeria.

Literature sources demonstrate high rates of poverty and inequality in a country that is richly blessed with abundant human and natural resources, to the extent that most of the citizens are unable to provide basic human needs. Part of these challenges appear to be man-made rather than a natural phenomenon, traceable to long years of military dictatorship, poor political leadership, inadequate policy implementation and monitoring, disrespect for legal instruments and upholding human rights policies.

Basically, the nagging issues of poverty, economic disparity and deprivation of basic needs have been previously chronicled by interested local and international researchers, human security experts and social commentators. The findings from the World Poverty Clock revealed that more than 643 million people across the universe live in extreme poverty and about two-thirds of the total number is to be found in Africa (Adebayo, 2018:1). Similarly, Kazeem (2018:1-2) observed that Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo are among the top 10 African countries living in extreme poverty accounting for 86.9 million and 60.9 million people, respectively. Hence Nigeria, with a population of about 180 million people equally has about 50% of its population living in extreme poverty… (Adebayo, 2018:1). In 2022 the poverty rate galloped to 133 million in an interval of just 2 years. The aforesaid global ranking statistics highlights the extent of deprivation and inadequacies climax the rate of human security challenges in the country.

The high percentage of the respondent’s response on the variables under discourse demonstrate the poor economic condition of the country, which in part contributed to the proliferation and surge of churches in Nigeria. These churches attract poor congregants seeking for divine healings, spiritual welfare and economic breakthrough from prosperity preachers who consciously extort money from the poor followers to maintain their flamboyant lifestyle, thereby compounding the rate of poverty and economic woes of the poor in the society. Today, biblical injunctions of moral ideals and hard work which ought to be at the core of the gospel have been relegated to the background. Scripture references are no longer about humanity and spirituality, the focus today is on the need to pay tithes, church offerings and other forms of church contributions and activity. Collaborating this view, Kitause and Achunike (2013:51) posits that “today there seems to be so much church contributions and activities, such as conferences, conventions, retreats, crusades, pilgrimages, night vigils, picnics, evangelistic campaigns, without corresponding spiritualties and moral growth”.

Apart from poverty, further findings revealed that Nigeria is one of the countries of the world where individuals face all forms of inequalities, such as income, class, gender, ethnicity, wealth, religion, health, and education. Particularly significant and worthy of reference is the unprecedented income inequality in monthly wages and allowances of Nigerian law makers and their senior counterparts in civil and public service. Comparatively, extant literature found that the Nigerian lawmakers are probably the highest paid members of parliament (MPs) in the world. Analysing this view, Murse, (2017:2) and Stober, (2018) observed that a Senator in the United States of America, for instance earns $174,000 per annum and a member of parliament in the United Kingdom earns about $64,000 per annum; a senator in Nigeria is entitled to monthly expenses of $37,500, translating into well over $450,000 annually, in a country where the average Nigerian lack “access to power, health care, employment, education, potable water, good roads and other basic amenities” (Aloma 2017, in Ojo 2017:20). In mathematical terms, it implies that a Nigerian Senator’s earnings in a year with the current minimum wage of humiliating 37 thousand Naira, exchanged for $50 per month for federal civil and public servants. Which means a newly employed graduate must work for over 134 years to earn one month’s salary of a Nigerian lawmaker. This is unfair, morally unjust, and unacceptable; it goes to demonstrates the astronomical level of income imbalance and wealth disparity in Nigeria.

Further causes of poverty and economic inequality have been documented and referenced in the works of Akinbobla and Saibu (2004), Chimobi Ucha (2010), (Animasaun, 2013), Ogbeide and Agu (2015) Ayegba (2015), Ezeugo (2016), Ajibola, Loto and Enilolobo (2018), Kola and Owumi (2019), Obalade, Ebiwonjumi, and Adaramola (2019), Edem, Agbu and Ojong (2020), Slule and Sambo, (2020), Abdul and Kigbu, (2021), Omiegbe, (2021) and Prasad (2021). Drawing from the enabling source factors of poverty and economic inequality, it is deemed appropriate that the socio-economic condition of the poor masses rather than political leadership and military dictatorship best describes the source of poverty, economic inequality, and development in Nigeria.

Inadequate security policy implementation

Inadequate human security policy implementation is one of the main sources of human insecurity in Nigeria. An overwhelming majority of the respondents (81.6%) affirmed this assertion, while few had contrary opinion. This result accounts for a 3.23 mean score value depicted in Figure 1, which demonstrates sufficient threat factor to social security and human development in Nigeria. It therefore demonstrates the respondent’s awareness of the lingering human security challenges in Nigeria. Earlier review of the literature asserts that Nigeria has good human security policy documents, but the problem lies in the effective implementation and oversight. Further examination of the empirical data suggests that socio-economic and political factors, such as inadequate funding, wrong policy initiative, poor legislation, ethno-religious sentiments and so forth, constitutes an impediment to the implementation and monitoring of human security policies in Nigeria.

The result of the study overwhelmingly suggest that the level of threat posed by inadequate implementation of human security policy in Nigeria is high. Public policy formulation, implementation and oversight are the constitutional mandate of the government and its agencies at all levels; hence the primary responsibility of the government is to do for the people that which the people cannot do for themselves (Nweke, 2021:33). Lack of policy implementation evidently points to the government’s inability to effectively carry out its lawful obligation and responsibility, which perhaps might stem from incompetency, political interference and lack of political decision and action. It also demonstrates the government’s lack of commitment and interest in the implementation of the social contract reached with its citizens.

Over the years in Nigeria, excellent policies have been formulated, but the problem is that only an insignificant part of these numerous policies are implemented” (Dialoke, Ukah, & Maduagwuna, 2021:22). Ugwuanyi and Chukwuemeka (2013:425) argue that “government sometimes does not budget adequately to enable the public bureaucracy to properly implement formulated policies. To effectively implement policies, the implementing agency needs adequate resources… which in part contributes to the failure of certain public policies to achieve desirable ends. This study shares the same sentiment with Akanle and Adesina (2015:425) that, “corruption is often encouraged by the collection of social networks and kinsmen who place demands that are beyond the official capacity of the public officers from their section of the country, ethnic and religious groups… thereby jeopardizing implementation of policy programs.” Based on the views of the respondents and the existing literature sources, one can strongly argue that inadequate policy implementation rather than formulation, contributes to the decades of poor human security record in Nigeria.

However, if the right people are put in the right place to initiate public policy, and stakeholders and beneficiaries are carried along in the execution process, necessary funds budgeted and released, there is every practical tendency that the objectives of the policy will be realized because good policy formulation begets a reciprocal good if not better implementation and monitoring.

Balance of internal and external threats

On the statement that Nigeria is faced with more of internal than external security challenges, the finding infers that 80% of the respondents gravitate towards agree and few disagree, accounting for a mean score value of 3.13, categorized as the lowest mean in Figure 1, suggesting that the external threat to Nigerian national security rarely exists, hence does not constitute a danger to human security. This finding demonstrates the level of warm diplomatic relations between Nigeria and her West African neighbors, the African continent, and the world. The respondents lend credence to the domestic threat of physical and human security, which for some years have overwhelmed the security cluster and defied government effort to maintain peace and unity in Nigeria.

However, the external threat to Nigerian national security cannot be wished away in view of the following natural, economic, strategic and security reasons: Firstly, Nigeria is naturally blessed with abundance of natural resources, intimidating young human capital and huge agricultural land space significant to attract potential rivalry and ambitious nations with imperialistic motives. Secondly, Nigeria is the economic giant in Sub-Saharan Africa, a condition that might attract external forces, especially the superpowers to seek political and economic inroad, control, and domination. Thirdly, Nigeria is strategically located along the Gulf of Guinea that serves as sea corridor for resource exploration and exploitation across the West African sub-region and a safe haven for piracy and other criminal activities, hence a potential theatre of war for ambitious, territorial, and economic seeking world powers. Fourthly, the spread of Boko Haram insurgency and its affiliate across the west and central African sub-region, in addition to the influx of Fulani bandits across shared international borders, appears a serious potent external threat to the Nigerian internal security. Therefore, it behoves the Nigerian government to take advantage of the afore-stated reasons to ensure adequate protection to her territorial integrity and human security. Importantly, to prove her claim and position as a big brother to her neighbours and as giant of the black race. From the lens of empirical data and literature sources on the cause or causes of human insecurity in Nigeria, this section argues that internal and external security challenges confronting the country qualified to be given equal attention, hence one is as important as the other. Effective and sustained internal security policy has the capacity to metamorphose into external peace and security.

Consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria

Given that every action has its consequences, human insecurity in Nigeria, as elucidated by empirical data is orchestrated mainly by banditry, insurgency, poverty, and unemployment threats among others, had led to some far-reaching consequences. In other words, insecurity affects the country’s population on both national, regional, and even individual level and capacity. This section highlights the consequences of decades of neglect of human security in Nigeria in the post military era. Table 2 and pictorially in Figure 2 reveals the effect of human insecurity on economic development, recurrent flood, basic health care, desperation for wealth and human displacement, in that order.

Table.2: Consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria

Consequence of Human Insecurity	SD	D	A	SA	T	Mean
Human displacement affects food security in terms of productions and distribution	3 (5)	5 (8.3)	38 (63.3)	14 (23.3)	100	3.05
Human insecurity in Nigeria affects economic development	1 (1.7)	4 (6.7)	25 (41.7)	30 (50)	100	3.40
Lack of access to basic health care in Nigeria is a consequence of mismanagement	1 (1.7)	9 (15)	28 (46.7)	22 (36.7)	100	3.18
Recurrent flood disaster in Nigeria is because of government neglect of human environment	2 (3.3)	6 (10)	23 (38.3)	29 (48.3)	100	3.32
Desperation for wealth is a consequence of moral degeneration in Nigerian society	3 (5)	11 (18.3)	23 (38.3)	23 (38.3)	100	3.10

Source: Research Survey 2021

Figure 2: Mean scores of the consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria.

Economic development

Table 2 reveals that 75% of the respondents affirmed that human insecurity affects economic development, while a minority of the participants disagreed. The item accounts for the highest mean score value on the chart with 3.40, which suggests the participant’s awareness of the economic impact of human security and development in Nigeria.

Economic development is a function of human activity, hence the nexus between human security and economic development is not only strong but inseparable. The economic development of any nation is significantly linked to its internal peace and security, hence the saying that development is a function of “local milieu,” no nation can develop organically from foreign assistance. The essence of economic policy monitoring is to enable government and other stakeholders to identify gaps and to make informed economic decisions geared towards state, human security, and development.

Socioeconomic and human development is a function of good governance, social harmony and justice, political stability, peace, and security. It also demonstrates that individual economic growth and development are made possible by economic transformation, access to income, choice of opportunities and other factors that can enhance human development, precisely health care, educational attainment, and employment prospects.

This is evident in the preceding works of scholars and commentators on the phenomenon. The main thrust of economic and human development entails a process of moving forward to actualize economic objectives, the freedom of opportunities to excel in human endeavour and to live a better life. Economic development and human security nexus are relatively strong and in tandem with literature. Lack of economic reform, trust deficit between the government and the citizens, inadequate health care and education opportunities, corruption and lack of political decision are the fundamental factors impacting on human security and economic advancement in Nigeria.

The concept of human security involves “access to food, nutrition, clean drinking water, hygiene and sanitation and housing, which could only be got through relatively peaceful condition, displaced populations for instance, are subject to a variety of health risks and are prone to a high mortality rate (Adegbami, 2013:11). On the other hand, the insecurity of the economy affects manufacturing businesses in terms of regular supply of raw materials for production. Besides, it affects the marketing of finished products, increase security spending in maintaining private security outfits, hence security is critical for the nation’s development and its absence means that economic growth and development cannot be achieved (Achumba, Ighomereho & Akpor-Robaro, 2013:11). Further to this is that the inability of government to provide a secure and safe environment for the lives, properties and the conduct of business and economic activities has led to resentment and the disaffection among ethnic groups in Nigeria (Ewetan, & Urhie, 2014:53).

It would appear that the complexities of the socio-economic concept of human development by focusing on the people’s welfare and wellbeing rather than economic growth and development which might not have any impact on the lives of poor masses in rural communities have stabilised. A closer look at the result infers that human insecurity is a consequence of policy gaps and government inaction on the persistent issues of inequality, poverty, and unemployment.

Flood disaster and human security

This study revealed that flood is a major factor that affects human security, in which the majority (86.6%) of the respondents generally affirm this position, while few had a contrary view. The mean score value of the variable stood at 3.32, signifying the level of threat posed by flood and the extent of the respondents’ understanding of the effect of the subject matter on human security. The study revealed the devastating impact of floods on the socio-economic activities, infrastructure, life, and livelihood of Nigerian citizens.

The survey result revealed the impact of flood on government and private infrastructure and large volume of agricultural produce, thereby weighing heavily on the Environmental and Disaster Management’s budget, increasing the rate of unemployment and the homeless population, and above all posing a danger to people’s health, lives, and livelihood. It also infers that floods in most cases are a consequence of human activities and government neglect of the human environment, expressed in inappropriate dumping of trashes in drainages, erecting structures along natural waterways, inadequate budget allocation for flood management and misappropriation of disaster relief funds. Nevertheless, the respondents held no view on the efforts of government to mitigate the menace of flood and the policy implication on human security and the environment.

The distressing issue of floods and their attendant havoc to humanity has been chronicled in the previous literature. Between 1995 and 2015, the lives of 2.3 billion people were affected, making floods account for 47% of all weather-related disasters globally (United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR, Executive Summary, 2015:1), while over 40 billion dollars are being lost annually to floods globally (Kamrava, 2018). The United States of America loses over $6 billion to flood disaster (Klein and Zellmer, 2014). According to the World Health Organization, floods led to poor hygiene and an increased risk of disease outbreaks, especially among displaced people, in this sense potable water may be contaminated by pollutants from overflowing sanitation facilities, resulting in increased risk of waterborne diseases such as typhoid fever, cholera, leptospirosis and hepatitis A (WHO n.d.). In Nigeria in 2018 more than 441,250 people were affected by flood as confirmed by the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA, 2020). In the same year, “more than 141,369 people were displaced… 108 deaths were recorded, 192 injuries were documented, 13, 031 houses were destroyed. The worst affected states were Adamawa, Anambra, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo, Kebbi, Kwara, Niger, and Rivers State” (Nwigwe & Emberga 2014:309-310). The benefit of floods to urban planners, agriculture and public policy cannot be overemphasized. Post flood investigation and expert analysis assist town planners to map out risk areas of potential flood control, flood increases the water level of dams, which in turn benefit agriculture and domestic use. The result of flood investigation will assist the government to make an informed decision on how best to control the devastation of potential coastal or ground water flood which poses a human security threat to those victims of flood disasters.

On this basis, literature findings appear to balance the participant’s views on the impact of floods on the economic environment, education activities, infrastructure, health, and human development. Notwithstanding the benefit of flood water to agriculture, source of drinking water due to the overflow of dams, among other advantages, the findings revealed that the devastating effect of floods on human welfare and development outweighed its benefits, hence constitutes danger to human security.

Basic health care

The study unfolds the consequences of inadequate health care on human security, wherein 83.4% of the respondents affirm that health insecurity is because of inadequate access to basic health care, while a minority had a contrary view, accounting for the mean score value of 3.18, which demonstrates the level of the respondent’s knowledge on the impact of inadequate access to basic health care on human security in Nigeria.

The impact of this variable was further interrogated with literature sources, which demonstrates significant support for the result, the extent of which may probably vary to some extent with the perspectives of the participants. The literature source acknowledged the effect of poor access to basic health care on human security and development. Health care is a public good and a serious human security challenge across the globe, particularly in developing countries, such as Nigeria. Basically, health care implies the provision of condition for normal mental and physical development, functioning of the individual or group (James, 2021). The “goal of health security is to promote and establish a health system based on primary health care that is preventive, restorative, rehabilitative and protective at the macro level for every Nigerian” (National Security Strategy Report, 2019:39).

The large number of views on inadequate access to basic health care in Nigeria is in tandem with the challenges of poor medical funding by the government, poor life expectancy, high infant mortality, high prevalence of malaria, HIV/AIDS, typhoid, and high level of medical pilgrimage undertaken by Nigerian politicians, as well as other members of the society since the democratic dispensation. This is evident in the following seven years’ health budget and expenditure embarked by the Nigerian government – “in 2010 (3.3%), 2011 (5.7%), 2012 (5.8%), 2013 (5.7%), 2014 (5.6%), 2015 (5.6%), and in 2016 (4.1%)” (Nwachukwu, 2016:265). Omoleke and Taleat (2017:214) further exposed the country’s health sector budget deficit, which according to the author has never moved closer to the World Health Organization template and the 2001 Abuja Declaration which stipulates that 15% of the annual budget be allocated to the health sector. A report from the African Union (2007) indicates that, appropriate health funding encourages early detection of diseases, as it will stimulate efficient services. Consequently, Nigeria’s gross underspending on health care facilities clearly demonstrates poor record on social welfare development, which in the long-term impacts on human security. The inability of the government to spend sufficient resources on health has resulted in a mass exodus on medical tourism, which this study shares the views of Uneke et al (2007) who argue that one of the greatest problems causing medical tourism in Nigeria and underdevelopment of the health system is the problem of brain drain of medical doctors and other health professionals. Nigeria is a major health staff-exporting country in Africa. For instance, out of about 50,000 doctors in Nigeria, about 20,000 are practicing in the United States alone (Jeol, 2021), 10,296 currently working in the United Kingdom (ThisDay News Paper, 2022:1), and over 5,000 in South Africa (Premium Times, 2022).

The high percentage of the respondent’s position on the near absence of access to basic health care demonstrates the quest for medical care in Nigeria, and corroborates the Daily Independent Newspapers reports that out of the 47 percent of Nigerians that visited India for medical purposes amounted to 18,000 persons out of a total of 38,000 visas issued to Nigerians visiting India in 2012. The Nigerian medical tourists to India expended N41.6 billion (US$260 million) in foreign exchange in the process (DIN, 2014:3). Furthermore, the high level of health care insecurity envisaged by the participants also constitutes a serious health implication on medical tourists. Singh et al (2016), and Parel-Amini et al (2019) in separate works opined that, medical tourists are a vulnerable, sentinel population, who may import infections from the destination countries to their home countries, including emerging, Multi-Drug Resistant (MDR) infections, which in turn constitute a significant public health risk for their home countries.

The comparative views of the respondents and the literature sources demonstrate a low-level health care system in Nigeria, influenced by an array of factors. Whether the problem lies on the mismanagement of fund, gross underfunding of health sector or lack of socio-political will or inaction on the part of the government, the whole idea demonstrates a wakeup call for the Nigerian authorities to do the needful in respect to health care. If the current trend is not checked, the deplorable health conditions of Nigerian and the persistent rat race for medical tourism will continue unabated.

Human displacement and food insecurity

The study revealed the nexus between food scarcity and human displacement in which 86.6% of the respondents affirmed the strong and inseparable linkage between human displacement and food insecurity, while a few disagree, accounting for the lowest mean score value of 3.05 on the chart table. This survey finding demonstrates the level of the connection of food insecurity and human dislodgement in Nigeria, a condition that appears to suggest the extent of the respondent’s awareness of the persistent threat activities of criminal elements in their respective communities.

This outcome may have been influenced by the participants experience on the persistent increase on food in the market coupled with the impact of the activities of non-state actors on food security in the country. Nonetheless, the participants claim on the subject matter run short of instances, such as places and statistics of victims of food insufficiency and displacement as consequence of threat of insurgency, banditry, and herdsmen conflicts in Nigeria.

Corroborating the respondents view on the importance of food to human existence and sustenance, the United Nations Human Rights Commission stated that the right to food is one of the fundamental human rights enshrined in the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) which has become a theme song at various global fora (World Food Summits, 2010 and 2011). Empirical data also demonstrates that food insecurity, not only increases hunger and poverty, but also directly or indirectly affects the entire health and wellbeing of people. Buttressing this view, the World Food Program (WFP) argue that hunger and malnutrition is a much greater threat than AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis combined. One of the respondents pointed out that climate change affects food security, which agrees with the position of the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) that increase in average global temperatures of just two to four degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels could reduce crop yields by 15-35 percent in Africa and western Asia, and by 25-35 percent in the Middle East” (UNFAO 2008). In similar but separate works, Schienker (2010), Rosenzweig et al. (2013), and Sultan et al. (2014) argue that the yield of cereal by 2050 which is the most staple food of West Africa will reduce by 10% because of climate change”.

Corroborating the respondent’s view on the shortage of agricultural facilities in Nigeria. Nwofia, (2021:372) posited that modern farming technologies are very expensive, and many small holder farmers cannot procure and maintain the facilities for their farming activities. This shares the views of Matemilola and Elegbede (2017:14) that civil insecurity borne out of the Boko Haram insurgencies has persisted in some parts of Borno, Yobe and Kano states, thereby, causing the affected inhabitants to be displaced from their ancestral and farming communities. They revealed that frequent change of agricultural policies affects food security in Nigeria, each time a new government takes power, the previous food and agricultural policies are abandoned, and new ones are set-up.

On the contrary, Gilbert (2004, cited in Mikalauskiene, et al 2018:60) argued that the world has enough food to feed all who suffer from hunger. This requires the appropriate political decisions, the balancing of the extraction and production of food resources, and the adjustment of the society’s food consumption habits, but food availability does not imply access to food.

Drawing from the views of the respondents and the literature sources on the effect of human displacement on food scarcity one can argue that the social, economic, and geographical factors combined constitute serious challenges to food security in Nigeria. The result also points to the inability of the government to deal with the menace of anti-state and anti-social elements as threat factors to food production and development. The study argues that the Covid-19 pandemic and its attendant regulations and lockdown contributed immensely to the hike in food prices and the shortage of food items in the market, and by default impacted on the economic and social activities of the people and the government at large, hence in the words of a respondent, no one works best without access to food.

Desperation for wealth

Research revealed that desperation for wealth is a consequence of the government’s failure to provide economic opportunities for her citizens, wherein majority (76.6%) of the respondents affirmed the assertion, whereas a minority disagreed. This assertion accounts for a mean score of 3.10. This finding demonstrates that desperation to amass wealth poses a threat to human security. However, the significant minority position/stand of the respondents represents different perspectives on acquisition of wealth. This result appears to have been influenced by the increasing rate of wealth-seeking young Nigerians both at home and in the diaspora, who are extensively involved in anti-social activities to make ends meet. Before now, it was an aberration and or abomination for an individual or the community to shield criminals and people with questionable characters as per the pursuit for illicit wealth. Today, cultural mix due to migration, social media, print and electronic media, and advanced technology have combined to encourage all forms of conducts antithetical to African cherished values and orientation. For instance, the high rate of ritual killings, human trafficking, cultism, kidnapping, drug peddling, prostitution, money laundering, pool betting and internet frauds are some of the forms of illicit wealth creation activities engaged by the Nigerian youth. What is worrisome is the ostentatious lifestyle of these disparate individuals and the way they are celebrated and given a red-carpet reception in Nigerian society. What people often hear are stories of youth that have amassed wealth in the community, but the how part of the conversation is no longer important, so long as the community benefits from the ill-gotten wealth. The point being made is that the failure of the government to engage the citizens on socio-economic activities and opportunities have pushed some people, particularly the youth to involve in anti-social activities for economic benefits. The virtue of honesty, dedication, commitment, and hard work that ought to be the moral compass of this young people appears to have become a scarce commodity within Nigerian communities.

The respondent’s position reveals a common understanding of the nexus between desperation for wealth and lack of economic opportunities. Fundamentally, desperation for wealth is an economic phenomenon, rooted in poverty, unemployment, inequality, unhealthy competition, and bad governance. In the quest to get rich quicker and acquire recognition in the society many youths have found themselves on the wrong side of the law, some have dropped out of school, while majority have lost their lives.

Basically, desperation for wealth constitutes human security threat and will remain so in the predictable future. The high percentage of respondent response on this discourse corroborates literature sources which points to an “overwhelming desire for economic gains and the parlous economic, social, and political situation in Nigeria (Anah and Nwosu, 2021). Osuntuyi, Ireyomi, and Aluko (2021:58) argue that “when the government of the day is not making life easy for the governed, people would find means to survive”.

The finding shows similar views in extant literature that the poor economic condition in Nigeria has resulted in mass exodus of professionals and able-bodied men and women for a better living condition elsewhere in the globe. The impact of this migration on Nigeria and Nigerians in diaspora is unquantifiable in terms of the battered image, mistaken identity, victimization, stereotyping and unavoidable circumstantial police brutality sometimes leading to death (Owoyemi, Haji-Din and Sabri, 2015:59). Unfortunately, “some innocent Nigerians who happen to be at the wrong place at the wrong time are being lumped together with criminals so that they pay for the crimes of their fellow countrymen… (Owoyemi, Haji-Din and Sabri, 2015:60-61). In addition to the above, Nwaechefu and Kalama (2020:136) also reveal that frequently reported cases of kidnapping in Nigeria creates a bad image for Nigeria, tourists, researchers, and investors or even students who may wish to undertake their studies as they are scared away by the growing trend of insecurity.

Holding on to the views of the respondents and the corroborative arguments from literature sources, it can be affirmed through the position of the two sources that desperation for wealth is a consequence of the failure of government past and present to diversify the Nigerian economy and provide job for her streaming population.

Conclusion

This chapter presented and analyzed two research objectives to determine the root causes and consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria. The authors examined the outcomes of empirical research and the existing literature on the subject. The study observed significant corroboration regardless of minor differences. The results demonstrate an array of causes and consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria. On all measures of causes and consequences of human security on the lives of Nigerian citizens, there has been an overwhelming confirmation that Nigeria is not on a healthy footing as far as human security is concerned. The causes of human insecurity suggest that Nigeria faces more of internal security threat compared to external which is exacerbated by poor policy implementation on the different facets of life, its inability to deal with insurgency and banditry. Added to this the unprecedented levels of poverty due to low levels of economic development and rising levels of unemployment predisposes her to security threats. The consequences of these causes have a severe bearing on its ability to contain internal human security measures. Some of the most likely consequences is food insecurity, low levels of economic development, lack of basic health care, and corruption. These findings have been extensively supported by other studies that support the nature of causes and consequences of internal human threat. Notwithstanding the findings lays no claim to have exhausted the causes and effects of insecurity in Nigeria, hence further studies is necessary to unravel other factors associated with human insecurity and development in Nigeria.

CHAPTER SIX

FACTORS THAT SUSTAINED HUMAN INSECURITY IN NIGERIA AND MEASURES TO AMELIORATE THE SITUATION

Introduction

The previous chapter discussed the causes and consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria. Building on that, this section equally examines two objectives: The factors that sustained human insecurity and the strategies to improve on human insecurity in Nigeria. This in turn discusses the findings arising from the survey conducted in the study area. This section is aimed at ascertaining the respondent’s opinion, ideas, knowledge and understanding of factors that sustain human insecurity, in corroboration with relevant literature. The essence is to explore widely and to create a better meaning and understanding of the research participant’s position on the existential threat factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria and to suggest remedies. To this end, two research questions are addressed, namely, what are the factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria? And how can human insecurity in Nigeria be addressed?

Factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria

This study was meant to determine the factors that have sustained human insecurity in Nigeria in the post military era. The persistent threat of insecurity has remained a serious concern to the Nigerian government, local and international investors, concerned citizens and the international community. Table 3 and pictorially Figure 3 revealed political corruption, inadequate human security policy, lack of political will, mono-culture economic policy and political marginalisation, in that order, as the factors that majorly sustained human insecurity in Nigeria. The respondent survey scale below is clarified as follows: SD – Strongly Disagree, D – Disagree, A – Agree, and SA – Strongly Agree, respectively.

Table 3 Factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria.

Factors Sustaining Human Insecurity	SD	D	A	SA	T	Mean
Political corruption is the key factor that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria	5 (8.3)	5 (8.3)	20 (33.3)	30 (50)	100	3.25
Political marginalization of some ethnic nationalities in Nigeria sustained human insecurity	4 (6.7)	9 (15)	29 (48.3)	18 (30)	100	3.02
Inadequate human security policy remained a source of human insecurity in Nigeria	4 (6.7)	4 (6.7)	27 (45)	25 (41.7)	100	3.22
Lack of political will to securitize poverty has sustained human insecurity in Nigeria	6 (10)	4 (6.7)	24 (40)	26 (43.3)	100	3.17
Mono-cultural economic policy is the key factor that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria	5 (8.3)	10 (16.7)	23 (38.3)	22 (36.7)	100	3.03

Source: Research Survey 2021

Figure 3 Mean scores of factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria.

Political corruption

As anticipated, the findings revealed that political corruption tops the list on the Table as the key factor that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria. An overwhelming majority (83%) of the respondents concur with this assertion, whereas few disagree. The highest mean score value of this variable stood at 3.25, an indication that political corruption is prevalent in Nigeria, hence constitutes an existential threat to human security and development in Nigeria. The findings demonstrate consensus on the widespread of political corruption in Nigeria which may vary according to political divide, geographical zone, ethnicity, religious affiliation, political orientation, and the extent of involvement of individual, group and or associations. Hence, what is referred to as political corruption in one part of the country and elsewhere in the world may be entirely different in another environment.

Political corruption in Nigeria is evident in the way some political elites and cronies amass and display public wealth to the displeasure of the poor and the downtrodden members of society. The participants identified politicians, ministries and agencies as chief drivers of corruption, specifically political corruption, but failed to consider the private sector, particularly those involved in inflecting government tender/contracts. What is worrisome is the level of impunity and lack of accountability on the part of political leaders on the issue of corrupt practices in Nigeria, where heads of government institutions continue to siphon billions of Naira without trace or prosecution.

The Corruption Perception Index Report ranked Nigeria as number 146 in the least corrupt nations out of 180 countries, and it scored 26 points out of 100, with a decrease in business confidence to 6.60 points in March from 26.60 points in February of 2020 (CPIR 2019). Nigeria has dropped five places in the 2021 CPI ranking 24 out of 100 points. Nigeria’s current 154 ranking out of 180 countries in the 2021 Corruption Perceptions Index is a drop of 149 in the 2020 index (The Guardian Newspaper, 25 January 2022). Comparatively, South Africa scored 44 points out of 100 in 2021, Uganda is the least corrupt (144) nation out of 180 countries in 2021, Egypt scored 33 points out of 100 in 2021, Kenya scored 30 points out of 100 on the 2021 Corruption Perception Index (Transparent International Report, 2021). However, notwithstanding the parameter under which corruption ranking is determined, expectedly the above figures show that Nigeria is one of the most corrupt countries in Africa in ranking and point scores, a condition that translates to unfortunate high threat factor to human insecurity, and by default Nigerian internal security and development. Uga (2019:3) points out that “while corrupt individuals with political power enjoy a lavish life, millions of Nigerians are deprived of their basic needs such as food, health, education, housing, access to clean water and sanitation.” The study generally found low remuneration of public and civil servants, poor funding of government institutions and agencies, weak justice system, lack of accountability, poor governance, outsourcing of government contracts, and over budget estimates as the key factors that sustained corrupt practices in Nigeria.

Similarly, Tanzi (1998:563) identified direct and indirect factors that promote corruption. The author named regulations, taxation, public spending, and lobby investments amongst political parties as factors that constitutes direct corruption, while indirect factors include, a bureaucratic system, wages of public officials, institutions, and the rule of law.

On the other hand, political corruption involves government officials who are privileged to take political decisions. It takes place when politicians and public office holders who are entitled to make and enforce the laws use their political power to sustain their status and wealth and/or make decisions in the benefit of private interests (Transparency International Report, 2009:2). Political corruption appears in different forms and shapes, majorly in political finance, election corruption, corporate influence on decision making, favouritism, impunity of politicians and members of the government (TIR 2009:2-3). There are pockets of all the above forms of corruption in the Nigerian government and politics, which affects poverty alleviation programs, and deprives the masses what is due to them in terms of security and development. It can drive up the price and lower the level of government output and services (Shleifer and Vishny, 1993). Further, political corruption can reduce investment in human capital (Ehrlich and Lui, 1999). Moreover, it can also reduce government revenue (Shleifer and Vishny, 1993, Hindriks, Keen and Muthoo, 1999) which in turn can lower the quality of publicly provided services (Gupta et al (2000:3)), hence one can argue that the main “agent provocateur” that has sustained human insecurity in Nigeria and largely Africa’s underdevelopment is political corruption, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).

Awojobi, (2014:8) lends credence to the respondent’s opinion and argues that at the infrastructure level, political corruption hinders health services, water supply, power supply, good roads, and sound education. Corroborating this view, Nwolise (2013:126) opined that “political corruption has retarded our national development, weakened the moral fibre of the society, and dented Nigeria’s national image”. Besides government officials involving in corruption, what is worrisome is the endorsement and support the society gives to corrupt individuals in the context of collectivism, where the family and community may to a certain extent for context specific reasons be encouraging someone to engage in corruption for the benefit of the family, lineage, or community (Bukuluki, 2013:32).

At the government level, findings also revealed how the former Governor of Delta state who had “victoriously” passed through investigatory and prosecutory systems in Nigeria but was jailed in the United Kingdom on corruption matters, an indictment on the Nigerian criminal justice system, an insult on all Nigerians, and a dent on the nation’s image (Nwolise 2013:126). Further to the above, in the 2019 party primaries proceeding general election, the candidates of both the ruling party and the opposition parties were seen in public sharing thousands of dollars and Naira to party delegates to secure their votes, including promises of elective positions, contracts and jobs.

The national dailies were agog with stories of how parliamentarians or state governors squander their constituency funds and security votes that are meant for constituency development and state security, resulting in political assassination and post-election violence across the country. The Human Rights Watch (2004:11) reported that “at least 70 incidents of election-related violence occurred in Nigeria between November 2006 and March 2007 in 20 states out of the 36 states in which at least 70 persons lost their lives, and many were injured”. The Institute for Democratic Alternative in South Africa’s (IDASA) conflict tracking project complemented media monitoring of election-related violence with community-based monitors providing even a more frightening picture. For the same period, it reported 280 incidents of election-related violent cases of deaths and injuries involving over 500 people (Egwu, 2013:113).

Political corruption is endemic in Nigeria, what is worrisome is that in all these incidences perpetrators are neither arrested nor prosecuted. The story appears to be virtually the same in other parts of Africa. According to the National Service Delivery Survey (2008) in Uganda, there was no action taken on 40% of cases involving abuse of funds in the health sector. As is the case in the health sector, 35%, 23.1% and 33.8 % of the cases involving misuse of funds in primary education, sub-counties and local councils respectively went unpunished (National Service Delivery Survey, 2008).

From the aforesaid, it can be observed that the issue of corruption or specifically political corruption is not an exclusive reserve of politicians, civil and public servants, rather a pandemic and an enduring disease that has sustained internal insecurity in Nigeria.

Lack of political will

It was observed that the lack of political decision to securitise poverty sustained human insecurity in Nigeria. Majority (83.3%) of the respondents were in consensus with this assertion, whereas a few had a contrary viewpoint. The mean score value of the variable stood at 3.17, meaning that lack of government’s political action contributes significantly to the lingering state of human insecurity in Nigeria. Political will entails the readiness or ability of any government to act on its socio-economic and political policy issues and programs for the benefit of the people and the state. The inaction of government on vital security issues demonstrates the level of inept leadership or absence of legislation to securitise or legitimise political decision. Securitisation involves the process of labelling a security issue or issues found to constitute an existential threat to an individual, society or the state for immediate or extra ordinary urgent attention that goes out of the normal process to counter it. When political leaders are short of the necessary administrative skill or competence to pilot the affairs of the state, it perhaps means lack of appropriate legislation to enforce state laws and government policies, and strong judiciary to dispense justice, as well as adequate budget to accelerate securitised threat to human insecurity.

Basically, it is evident that the government’s inability to run proactive and sustained social security and welfare programmes contributes to a large extent the internal insecurity in Nigeria. Ezemenaka and Prouza’s (2016:89) account affirmed that one of the main problems of the Nigerian government is that it often overlooks the challenges that undermine social security until a serious problem presents itself. This could seemingly be attributed to the myriads of persistent security challenges which required urgent attention. In most cases, such effort is marred by poor leadership, corruption, and ethno-religious sentiment and lack of policy implementation.

Monoculture economic policy

A mono-cultural economic policy as a concern factor that sustained human insecurity and development in Nigeria has been noted. A vast majority (75%) of the respondents acknowledged this assertion, while a minority disagreed, a position expressed by those who believed that good governance and effective economic policy implementation rather than diversification is the major challenge of human insecurity in Nigeria. The mean score value of the statement accounts for 3.03, which suggests a sufficient threat factor to human security. The Nigerian economic policy has over the years remained undiversified amidst a high rate of unemployment, poverty and economic deterioration, a persistent condition that has influenced the high rate of respondent responses on its mono-cultural economic policies.

Importantly, the survey response and extant literature corroborates on the importance of economic diversification to boost economic growth, human security, and development. Traditionally, economic diversification involves transitioning away from dependence on one or a few commodities such as crude oil, minerals, and agriculture production toward a broader range of sources of production, employment, trade, revenues, and expenditures. The objective of economic diversification is structural transformation, which is characterized by rising productivity, sustained growth, and broader development (Usman and Landry, 2021). There are different dimensions of diversification: the first relates to the expansion of economic sectors that contribute to employment and production or gross domestic product (GDP) diversification, and the second is associated with international trade or exports diversification and fiscal diversification which involves expanding government revenue sources and public expenditure … (Usman and Landry, 2021). With the weak economic condition, poor foreign earnings, low domestic production, galloping inflation and acute unemployment, Nigeria needs the three dimensions of diversification to survive. The reality remained that the Nigerian economy is heavily dependent on crude oil exports for socio-economic and political development. Crude oil exports account for Nigeria’s major source of foreign exchange earning representing about 90% of export products (Itumo, 2016:25).

Besides crude oil, Nigeria has other natural resources, such as gas, zinc, limestone, tin, iron ore, coal, niobium, lead and large table land” (OPEC, 2016:15), which ought to complement the crude oil earnings or exports, but these resources have remained untapped due to poor economic policies, unspecified legislation and approach, as well as lack of political decision or action to diversify the economy by the Nigerians’ past and present authorities. From the reality on the ground and with reference to the high response on the subject under discourse, it is evident that the transition from a mono-based resource policy to a high-income diversified economy holds the promise of economic growth and development in Nigeria. Besides, it will also surge the increase in internally generated revenue (IGR), an increase in job opportunities, alleviate poverty and economic inequality, and to a greater extent attract local and foreign investors to boost production and export of goods and services.

Research revealed that, on the eve of Nigerian independence, before the discovery of oil in 1956, Nigeria was famous in her agrarian economy through which cash crops like palm produce, cocoa, rubber, timber, and ground nuts, were exported, thus making Nigeria a major exporter in that respect (Ogbeh, 2016:4). It therefore inferred that the agricultural sector has been the leading provider of employment in Nigeria since the sixties and seventies, when the sector provided employment for more than 70 percent of the Nigerian population (Kemi, 2016:104). The study also reveals that Nigeria has made about $760 billion” from crude oil exports with virtually nothing to show for it in terms of poverty alleviation and development, especially in the health and education sectors. The proceeds from this product have not only been shamelessly misappropriated by some greedy politicians and bureaucrats, but also has been wrongly channelled to wasteful expenditures, such as the huge salaries paid to the members of the National Assembly and religious tourism either to Saudi Arabia or Jerusalem.

On the contrary, Dode (2012:14) argues that the discovery of crude product in several other nations like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Libya, among others has contributed immensely to the social, political, and economic growth of those nations. This feat can be attributed to good leadership and smart economic policy, policy implementation and oversight. The reality of poverty and underdevelopment facing Nigeria today remained a “sad paradox” amidst enormous human and natural endowment, which seems to suggest that “the state have, indeed, abdicated its primary responsibilities to provide the basic needs of the citizens (Eze, 2009:7). It is worthy of note that Nigeria is, nonetheless, the only country in this quagmire. In the words of Zainab Usman, in fact, Africa is home to eight of the world’s fifteen least economically diversified countries. This reality weakens the foundation of their economic transformation and slows their pace of progress. It also makes these countries particularly vulnerable to sudden external shocks, as the pandemic-induced disruption of tourism and oil-dependent economies has illustrated (Usman and Landry, 2021).

With reference to the views of the respondents and existing literature, one can strongly argue that the current monoculture economic policy which entirely rests on crude oil export is unsustainable in the 21st century. Crude oil exports and products are gradually becoming less attractive in the international markets, oil producing nations are fast moving away from fuel to electric cars and green energy. Nigeria has the largest population in the entire black race with an unbelievable youth population seeking for opportunities to actualize their dreams, hence the need to rethink the Nigerian mono-economic policy as it is currently. A nation that fails to diversify its economy runs the risk of a limited GDP, low exchange rate earnings, low productivity, shortage in revenue sources, public expenditure, and infrastructure development.

Political marginalization

This study revealed political marginalization of some ethnic nationalities as an enduring threat to human security in Nigeria. Most of the respondents (78%) affirmed this result, while a minority had a contrary view. The variable has the least mean score value of 3.02, which seems not to be a potent factor capable of disrupting and disorienting the Nigerian political activities, social security, and development. The low mean score appears to be real in the northern part of the country (the study area) where the zone has dominated the political space since the Nigerian independence in 1960. The issue of political marginalization in the Nigerian government and politics has remained a controversial and debatable subject, depending on the geographical divide. The high percentage of the respondents in Favor of political marginalization demonstrates the level of threat and the possible effect of the variable on human security and by extension internal peace and development.

Drawing from the present study and existing literature, it is apparent that political marginalization of some ethnic groups in Nigeria constitutes a potential danger to her national unity, social harmony, social justice, peace, and security. The participant’s view on the subject seems to have been influenced by the persistent clamour and agitation for self-determination and true federalism, as opposed to the current pseudo-federal system in practice. Unfortunately, the all-important issue of self-determination clause has no place in the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria, as amended. However, Nigeria as part of the international community and signatory to the United Nations and African Union treaties and conventions, it behoves her to domesticate and abide by the legal provisions of the international jurisprudence. Besides the contested issue of marginalization and its attended clamour for self-determination, as put forward by the participants, the issue of political and religious politics also constitutes major instruments that propel the engine of inequality and unjust practices by the dominant ethnic group in Nigeria. So long as ethnic and religious affiliation and side-lining remain measures for elective position, promotion, execution of national projects and decision making, ethnic marginalization will continue unabated.

On this premise, (Osibanjo 2017, in Adangor, 2917:18) admonishes that the right to a decent existence, to education, health care or jobs must not depend on how loud an ethnic or religious group agitates. He stated that it is the failure of the state to deliver on these essentials of life and livelihood that compels Nigerians to run to their tribal and religious camps to seek succour by way of agitation for basic rights and services. The respondents view on even representation and equitable distribution of national privileges corroborates Mbah et al’s (2019:25) position that in a multi-ethnic and plural societies such as Nigeria, appointments into major political positions are critical elements of politics … in this sense, position means wealth and money, and to get them, one must occupy a good political position in government. It can also be expressed in the siting of projects like major industries, huge irrigation schemes and agricultural projects in other parts of Nigeria which deliberately excluded the Igbo heartland (Uduma, 2015:94). It was on this premise that the Federal Character Commission was established for equitable distribution of national privileges (see Chapter 4 Section 153(c) of the 1999 Constitution, 2010). Unfortunately, this constitutional provision appears not to have been respected, especially by the present administration led by President Buhari, hence the cry for marginalization and the quest for self-determination continue to garner support, particularly in the southern part of the country.

Duruji (2009:60) argue that when compared to other tribes in Nigeria, the Igbo area suffers the worse neglect of federal government presence, especially good federal roads, rail transportation, functional seaport, and standard international airport. Udoma (2015:94) strongly shares this sentiment with the study participants that Ndigbo (Igbo people) “have suffered tremendous marginalization through clearly designed and well-crafted state policies, all of which have left them emasculated… politically, economically and materially dispossessed and pauperized.” In this way, citizen’s loyalty gravitates towards their respective ethnic groups and the legitimacy of the federal government becomes questionable (Natufe, 2001:6).

Table 4 illustrates unambiguously the lopsided distribution of leadership positions in Nigeria among the three major ethnic nationalities (Hausa/Fulani in the north, Igbo in the east and Yoruba in the western part of Nigeria) from 1960-2021.

Table 4: Distribution of leadership positions in Nigeria from 1960-2021

S/N	Name	Tribe	Decision making body	% North	% West	% East
1	Balewa	Fulani (North)	Cabinet	37.3%	37.3%	25.4
2	Ironsi	Igbo (East)	SMC	50	33.3	16.6
3	Gowon	Tiv (North)	SMC	60	40	0
4	Gowon	TIV (North)	Cabinet	41.7	41.7	16.8
5	Murtala/Obasanjo	Fulani/Yoruba North and West)	Cabinet	44	36	20
6	Shagari	Fulani (North)	Cabinet	37.5	22.5	20
7	Buhari	Fulani (North)	SMC	61.1	27.5	20
8	Babangida	Nupe (North)	AFRC	55.6	38.8	5.6
9	Shonekon	Yoruba (West)	ING	47.9	31.2	20.9
10	Abacha	Fulani (North)	PRC	63	27	9
11	Abubakar	Nupe (North)	PRC	65	26	9
12	Obasanjo	Yoruba (West)	Cabinet	56.5	25	19.5
13	Yar-Adua	Fulani (North)	Cabinet	64.5	12.5	23
14	Jonathan	Ijaw (Niger Delta	Cabinet	20	32.5	47.5
15	Buhari	Fulani (North)	Cabinet	70	30	0

Source: Nnamani (2013), modified and updated by authors

Table 4 illustrates glaring evidence of political marginalization against the Igbo tribe in the east as they were neither elected or selected as military administrators or civilian presidents. The Table portrays that besides President Good luck Jonathan’s administration (2011-2015) that recorded 47.5% representation, Murtala/Obasanjo with 20% (1976-1979) and Shagari’s cabinet 20% (1979-1983) the rest revealed a gross marginalization of the Igbo tribe in decision making positions in their father land, Nigeria. The worst-case scenario as the table indicates was in Gowon’s Supreme Military Council and Buhari’s military regime, where the Igbos had 0% representation, whereas the southeast region harbours over 80% of the Nigerian foreign exchange earnings – the oil and gas.

In an interview with Aljazeera journalist in 2015 in the United States of America, President Mohammadu Buhari was asked how he would preside over Nigerian affairs in terms of appointments and development, the president was quick to respond that the North (Hausa/Fulani) and the South West (Yoruba) that gave him 95 percent votes will get more political benefits and patronage during his presidency than the South East (Igbos) that gave him 5 percent of votes. This opinion, which came to fruition demonstrates the willingness of President Buhari to sustain the tradition of the marginalization of Ndi-Igbos despite the constitutional provision of the federal character commission (Section 153 (c).

Table 5 below reveals the realization of the statement by President Buhari expressed in the appointment of the top 20 positions according to geopolitical zones and ethnic origin from 2015-2021.

Table 5: President Buhari’s to 20 political appointments

S/N	Position	Zone	Ethnic Origin
1	President	North-East	Fulani
2	Vice President	North- West	Yoruba
3	Senate President	North-East	Fulani
4	Speaker of the House of Representative	South-South	Yoruba
5	The Chief Judge of the Federation	North-East	Hausa
6	Chief of Army Staff	North-West	Fulani
7	Chief of Defence Staff	South-South	Ika (Agbor)
8	Chief of Air Staff	South-West	Yoruba
9	Chief of Naval Staff	North-West	Fulani
10	Inspector General of Police	North-East	Fulani
11	Comptroller General, Customs	North-East	Hausa
12	Comptroller General Immigration	North-Central	Fulani
13	Comptroller General Correctional Service	North-West	Fulani
14	Accountant General of the Federation	North-West	Hausa
15	Chairman, Independent National Electoral Commission	North-East	Hausa
16	Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria	South-South	Irobo
17	GMD, Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC)	North-East	Kanuri
18	Secretary to the Government of the Federation	North-East	Biron
19	National Security Adviser	North-East	Kanuri
20	Chief of Staff to the President	North-Central	Fulani

Source: AITEO 2017 (Compiled by authors)

Table 5 reflects an unprecedented and lopsided political appointment made by the present government, which conspicuously show absence of Igbo representation. “From 2015 to date, President Buhari had made over 100 top level appointments and the North have taken over 80% of these slots including nearly 90% of all the top 30 appointments into the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation” (The-Will, 2017:4). This is in flagrant violation of Chapter 2, Section 14 (3) P37 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, which explicitly states that, the composition of the government of the federation or any of its agencies “… shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, … national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance ….”

Drawing from the views of the respondents and from the literature, it has been established marginalization of some ethnic groups exist in the Nigerian government and politics, particularly the Igbos. The preponderance of the political space by the Fulani oligarchy since the Nigerian independence has continued to attract an enduring challenge of marginalization of some ethnic nationalities in Nigeria.

Strategies to Improve Human Insecurity in Nigeria

This study was intended to find the possible strategies to address the persistent human insecurity in Nigeria. Given that every security environment is unique and locally oriented, the solution to the threat to insecurity in Nigeria should apply the same principle. For decades, Nigeria has been grappling with human security challenges which presently need attention and a lasting solution. The central focus of this section is to highlight the possible strategies to improve the lingering human insecurity in the country. Table 5and pictorially Figure 3 reveal that moral degeneration, effective database, securitizing poverty, sustained poverty alleviation program, capacity to address human insecurity, people-oriented constitution, and homegrown education system, in that order, are possible measures to address human insecurity in Nigeria.

Table 5 Strategies to improve human security in Nigeria.

Strategies to improve human insecurity	SD	D	A	SA	T	Mean
Nigerian government seems to lack the capacity to address the existential threat to human security	5 (8.3)	2 (3.3)	30 (50)	23 (38.3)	100	3.18
Sustained poverty alleviation program has the capacity to improve human insecurity in Nigeria	1 (1.7)	8 (13.3)	29 (48.3)	22(36.7)	100	3.20
A people-oriented constitution is a panacea to the internal security crisis in Nigeria	2 (3.3)	12 (20)	28 (46.7)	18 (30)	100	3.03
Home-grown education policy can improve the rate of unemployment in Nigeria	4 (6.7)	16 (26.7)	20 (33.3)	20 (32.3)	100	2.99
Moral regeneration is the key to combating crime in Nigeria	1. (1.7)	5 (8.3)	26 (43.3)	28 (46.7)	100	3.35
Securitising poverty remained the key to improve Nigerian internal security	2.(3.3)	5 (8.3)	31 (51.7)	22 (36.7)	100	3.22
Effective database has the capacity to address internal security challenges	1 (1.7)	4 (6.7)	29 (48.3)	26 (43.3)	100	3.33

Source: Research survey 2021

Moral regeneration

This study revealed that moral regeneration tops the list on the best strategy to improve human insecurity in Nigeria. Virtually most of the respondents (90%) agreed with this assertion, and only a minority had a different viewpoint. Moral regeneration also recorded the highest mean score value of 3.35, which demonstrates the unprecedented high rates of moral decadence in the country. Moral regeneration could mean a renewed program of the government, or the society aimed to bring back deviants, and integrity challenged person or persons into the accepted norms and values of the society.

The overwhelming response of the respondents is evident in the Nigerian society where poor socio-economic conditions have forced the citizens to involve themselves in anti-social, anti-state activities and criminality. The result also demonstrates that the present act of civil disobedience, violent protests and the insurrection against the Nigerian state and its citizens is a pointer to suggest the necessity to reinforce African values on the present generation.

Further examination of the moral regeneration question through literature review found that majority of scholars and commentators support the above results. The idea of moral regeneration as a panacea for human insecurity in Nigeria corroborates with Onifade, Imhonopi, and Urim’s, (2013:53) views that, the insecurity challenge in Nigeria has assumed a formidable dimension that not only requires a multi-stakeholder approach… in quelling this conflagration threatening Nigeria’s statehood, but also necessitates a revival and reinforcement of moral values and virtues. They further revealed that the government has tried everything from “force-for-force” to carrot-and-stick approach to diplomacy, but the problem seems to rise with greater monstrosity like the proverbial phoenix. The problem lies with the leaders, particularly the political class, who seem to have lost their moral compass, only good and interested in strategizing for the next election, but run short of ideas, policies, and programs for the next generation.

The study suggests that the leeway to moral regeneration lies in a reconnection of trust deficit between the people and the government, and the vital need to inculcate a sense of discipline, moral ethos, and socio-cultural reengineering in the lost youth population of the Nigerian society. The general understanding is that the government have failed the present generation, therefore it behoves parents, guardians, teachers, faith-based organizations, and other relevant stakeholders to rekindle their moral and spiritual obligation on their children for the benefit of the society.

A sustained moral and socio-economic alleviation policies and programs as opposed to the current police brutality, arrest and imprisonment of deviants, community sanction, gun and bullet approach by security agencies holds the promise of mitigating decadence and criminality in the society. Leaders should endeavour to practice what they preach in churches, mosques, political rallies, schools, and communities. The moral basis of Nigeria’s security is a vital imperative for national reconciliation, national survival, and national development (Ujomu, 2001).

Drawing from the perceptions of the respondents and extant literature from scholarly works, it suggests that moral reorientation of the African child can assist to bring back morality and hard work, respect to constituted authorities, African values and tradition at homes and communities. The philosophical concept of “ubuntu” (being your brother’s keeper) can reinvigorate and regenerate lost values, sanity, social justice, fairness, and oneness in the Nigerian society.

Effective Database

The study found effective database as part of the solution to human security challenges in Nigeria. An unprecedented and overwhelming majority (91.6%) of the respondents affirmed to the above finding, whereas an insignificant minority differed from this assertion. The mean score for this statement accounts for 3.33, which shows a sufficient sustainable factor that can address human insecurity and development challenges in Nigeria. The high rate of responses on the subject stem from the knowledge of the deplorable state of the country’s socio-economic and political database, which is evident in inaccurate census records, poor birth, and death rate registration, as well as the absence of the precise number of legal and illegal foreign nationals in the country. Most government social security policy programs ran short of successful completion not because of funding or poor policy implementation, but specifically because of inaccurate statistical data management at the policy foundation stage which makes it extremely difficult for the concerned agencies to effectively complete community projects. This brings to the fore the need for the National Bureau of Statistics, National Population Commission, and the Nigerian Immigration Service to collaboratively design a comprehensive and advanced database for socioeconomic development and national security.

Further investigation of this variable through extant literature shows majority support for this result which demonstrates the importance of effective and comprehensive database in the Nigerian economy. Ekwutosi et al (2021:51) observed that in a more technologically advanced societies of the world, birth, and death registration… play significant roles in national security, especially when combined with DNA, facial recognition, and fingerprinting technologies. It is appalling that in the 21st century the Nigerian security personnel, particularly the Police Force has continued to be dependent on circumstantial evidence, eyewitness testimonies, interrogation, and confessional statements (Alisigwe & Oluwafemi, 2019, Stephen et al 2021, Alisigwe & Oluwafemi, 2021, Udogadi, 2021), in the prosecution of offenders in courts. Agubosim, et al (2021:85) argue that as research and innovation become more complex globally… to estimate generalized poverty we need information on individuals within population simultaneously for the key variable… we require information on the levels of each variable for everyone. King and Murray (2001:601) opined that the essence of an accurate database is to assist the government or its agencies to make an informed statistical policy decision. Effective database can be actualized through collapsing all the authorized identity registration cards, such as the National Identity Number (NIN), National Identity Card (NIC), Bank Verification Number (BVN), Driver’s License, Voters’ Card, International Passport, Birth Certificate, Declaration of Age and Certificate of Origin into a single database (National Identity Management Commission, 2019). This effort can assist the security agents, primarily the police, immigration, and customs to track down criminals in communities, cities, at borders and at ports of entries. It can also reduce certificate fraud and prevent other foreign nationals from committing crime using Nigerian identity documents. Accurate census, as well as the death and birth certificates would help Nigerian policy makers to formulate and implement trusted and reliable economic and social security policy program for social security and assist in fighting corruption and criminality. Importantly, statistical data are fundamental for social deliverable services, budget allocation, electoral process, crime investigation, education development, health care, and lots of other elements and benefits. On the other hand, in-accurate database affects government development plan, policy formulation, implementation, and monitoring.

Sustained poverty alleviation program

This finding revealed that sustained poverty alleviation program has the capacity to improve human insecurity in Nigeria. The majority (85%) of the respondents gravitate positively towards this assertion, while a few had contrary view. The mean score value of the variable stood at 3.20, which constitutes sufficient threat factor to human security in Nigeria. The high percentage rate of collaboration demonstrates the degree of the respondents’ understanding of the importance and mitigating capacity of the variable. Poverty alleviation program is designed with a different outlook, strategies and needs, but with the same objective to provide skills and job opportunities for the beneficiaries. Despite the government’s relentless efforts to overcome the socio-economic challenges confronting her citizens, poverty and unemployment remained perpetually and stubbornly high and unacceptable. Part of the reason being that most times the citizens arrogantly display sense of entitlement believing that government is bound to provide all their needs without any effort to assist the government. This expected assistance from poverty alleviation beneficiaries and the society can come in different ways – committing themselves to the program policies, safeguarding all the facilities of the program in their communities, and applying the knowledge and skill acquired in the program in public and private sectors.

Further examination of this variable via extant literature found appreciable support for this result, nevertheless the extent of this support might differ among human security experts. According to the Nigerian National Bureau of Statistics Report (2019:6), 40.1 percent of the total population of Nigeria was classified as poor, in other words, on average, 4 out of 10 individuals in Nigeria have real per capita expenditures of 137,430 Naira per year. This translates to over 82. 9 million Nigerians who are considered poor by national standards and statistics, bringing to the fore the urgent need for pro-poor initiatives, not only by the government but also by the private sector.

The failure of poverty alleviation efforts in Nigeria is attributable to certain factors, namely, lack of targeting mechanisms for the poor, political and policy instability… lack of accountability and transparency, and lack of mechanisms for the sustainability of the programs (Oshewolo, 2010:218). In the words of Nwaobi (2019:11) weak synergy between states, federal and local government areas, issues of identification, unreliable mechanisms for targeting beneficiaries… weak monitoring and evaluation contribute to the failure of anti-poverty programs in Nigeria. The nagging issues of poor funding and corruption, tribal and religious sentiments as well as incompetency on the part of the drivers of the program also constitute a barrier and the abandonment of most government anti-poverty initiatives and projects. In some cases, political parties use pro-poor and pro-youth agenda as part of their campaign promises just to deceive the poor masses and the electorates. Contrary to the respondents’ perspective, Hussaini (2014:718-719) argues that poverty alleviation programs failed due largely to the fact that they were mostly not designed to alleviate poverty, they lacked a clearly defined policy framework with proper guidelines for poverty alleviation …, which demonstrates the reality of the inept, desperation and corrupt tendencies of the government officials in their bid to siphon the resources meant for the program to the detriment of the beneficiaries.

An evaluation of the findings suggests that the success or failure of any government-initiated policy, in this case poverty alleviation program hugely depends on the concerted effort put in place by the policy makers at the foundation phase of the program, which therefore imply that if the formulation stage is on point with an appropriate team and funding, the evaluation and monitoring of the program becomes very much easier. A sustained poverty alleviation program has the capacity to improve human security and development. Besides these identified setbacks and or challenges, alleviation programs have provided opportunities for youth employment, infrastructure development, entrepreneurial training, and skill development to thousands of beneficiaries across the country.

Capacity to address human security.

On the statement on whether Nigeria has the capacity to address the existential threat to human security, the study revealed that a vast majority (88%) argue that Nigeria lacks the capacity to tackle human security challenges, whereas a few had different opinion. This statement accounts for a mean score value of 3.18, which constitutes a significant impact factor on Nigeria’s internal peace and human security. This outcome appears to have been motivated by the respondent’s awareness of the persistent issues of corruption, inadequate security funding, poor training and recruitment of security personnel, poor salaries and inadequate social welfare package combined to impact on the government’s inability to find a lasting solution to the enduring insecurity in Nigeria.

In fact, the inability of the Nigerian government to find sustainable measures to human insecurity poses a serious security threat that is evident in the previous literature. These literature sources clearly show the nature of violence, the government’s action, or inaction to successfully address the phenomenon across the country. Research identifies forms of human insecurity and the zones of operation in Nigeria. They include: the activities of militia groups in the south; insurgency and murder by herdsmen in the north; kidnapping in the east and south-south; ritual killings in the east and west; with political and non-political assassinations across the nation” (Sandler & Ender, 2008; Oyibo, 2016), in addition to multi-dimensional poverty that is prevalent in the north, political marginalization of the south, the inadequate presence of public infrastructure in the south-east, unemployment and inequality across the entire country is prevalent. Section 14 (2b) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, states that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government (Constitution of the Federal Republic Nigeria, 1999:37). The escalating level of human insecurity in Nigeria currently points to the fact that the security agents are far from realizing the afore-cited constitutional provision. Joshua, Gberevbie and Onor (2021:117) opined that the inability of the Nigerian Police to cope with the magnitude of the surge of violence in recent years has prompted the involvement of the military, a core component of traditional security apparatus to deal with internal insecurity issues The joint effort of the police and military operation to combat insecurity has instead increased human rights abuse, extortion, harassment, trust deficit and extrajudicial killings of innocent civilians across the country. The cases of the infamous operation in the Borno state in the northeast, the Zamfara state in the north-west, Imo and Anambra in the southeast, Kaduna and the Niger states in the northwest Nigeria are instructive. The study argues that managing the socio-economic threat to human security in Nigeria appears to have gone beyond the military approach alone – the solution lies in a combination of military/police action and more importantly a sustained welfare package that is designed to ameliorate the sufferings of the have-nots in the Nigerian society. Comparatively, empirical data and extant literature demonstrate lack of appropriate strategy and capacity on the part of the Nigerian government to address human insecurity despite the huge natural and human resources at her disposal. However, this position does not in any way dismiss or diminish the contrary views of some of the participants on the variable under discourse.

On whether the Nigerian government has or does not have the capacity to stem the tide of human insecurity depends on tangible and intangible factors: the political will to take decision, available resources to carry out security projects, numerical strength and the morale of security operatives, availability of modern facilities, and the competence and commitment of government agencies to implement security policies. In practical terms, Nigeria has all it takes to confront her internal security challenges, but endemic corruption, ethnic loyalty, misappropriation of funds, and misplacement of priority constitute a barrier in achieving human security, and largely internal security.

Based on the present deplorable condition of human insecurity in Nigeria, which corroborates with participants opinion, one can conclude that the gun and bullet approach of the government to deal with insurgency and banditry are grossly inadequate to maintain internal peace and human security, hence the need to rethink other security measures with a human face.

Adoption of people-oriented constitution.

This study revealed that people orientated constitution constitutes a panacea for the internal security crises in Nigeria. The study found that majority (76.7%) of the respondents affirmed this position, while significant minority disagree, accounting for a mean score value of 3.03, which demonstrates a significant impact factor to human insecurity in Nigeria. The high response rate in favour of the statement is a clear manifestation of the respondent’s awareness and understanding of the importance of people-oriented constitution, expressed in consultation and inclusiveness. However, the significant minority opinion on this variable may be because of the positive feelings of some respondents from northern extraction (the study area) responsible for drafting the 1999 draconian military-oriented constitution of Nigeria. A closer analysis of the empirical data suggests that the quest for people-oriented constitution as opposed to the current unitary structure of the 1999 military-imposed constitution is a pointer to the fact that the present legal framework lacks true federalism, people’s support, and all it takes to make Nigeria a better place for everyone. There is need for honest reform of the 1999 constitution, the reason for this position is not farfetched. Critics from the southern extraction claim that the content of the 1999 constitution lacks the due process required in the modern constitutional democracy. It is not only fraud, but short of legitimacy. Fundamentally, the Nigerian constitution is a product of military dictatorship short of conventional referendum to determine people’s opinion and participation. Besides, the document was hurriedly and horribly midwifed and packaged by a committee single handed established by the then military head of state General Abdusalami Abubakar influenced by ethno-religious bias, hence the persistent clamour for devolution of powers through people-oriented constitution. The author assert that stakeholder consultations hold the promise of ownership, eliminate suspicion and fear of ethnic domination and influence over other component units. When people are not carried along in public and common projects, in this case the constitution, there is the tendency for dissatisfaction, civil disobedience and abandonment on the part of the citizen.

Further examination of this statement through literature sources found support for this finding. Extant literature revealed the general views of scholars on the benefit of a people driven legal framework and true federalism in Nigeria; first it would allow the citizens to be part of the constitutional process, second, to decide the terms for national co-existence and the nitty-gritty of devolution of powers to the component units. These measures would assist in effectively addressing the socio-economic and political issues of insecurity, diversity, disparity, suspicion, and fear of domination by any ethnic nationality. This is fundamentally crucial because the process by which a constitution came into being is even more important than the content of the constitution (Ozokhome, 2021).

The high percentage of response on the variable corroborates the successive government constitutional review effort which had resulted in state creation, power rotation mechanism, quota system and federal character, …yet the quest for constitutional development continued to generate opinions and thoughts of individuals in different strata of the Nigerian society” (Bribena, 2019:26). According to the New African Magazine Report (NAMR), the constitutional problems currently overwhelming Nigeria are the direct consequence of the lack of adequate participation by civil society before the current constitution was imposed in 1999 by the military government… (NAMR 2013:35). This study shares the views of Watts (1994:7) that federalism is not an abstract ideological model to which political society is to be brought into conformity, but rather a way or process of bringing people together through practical arrangements intended to meet both common and diverse preferences of people. In line with the respondent’s view, Wheares (2007:76) argues that in constitutional terms, a federal system generally takes the form of an arrangement where governmental powers are shared between a national government and a varying number of subnational governments, with some emphasis on the autonomy and independence of each type of government.

Regional sovereignty as a model of true federalism was adopted in Nigeria in 1954 which led to the autonomy of the Northern Region, Western Region and Eastern Region, subsequently Mid-Western region through a referendum. According to Ademolekun and Ayo (2020:158-159) this political strategy made the regional government stronger than the central government in terms of quality political leadership, development plans, administrative leadership, robust debate in the regional assemblies and strong, impartial, and courageous judiciary, hence the clamour for the status quo. However, research revealed that what accounted for the weakness of this arrangement was the decision of the leaders of the three major political parties to serve as the head of each of the regional governments, each party leader kept his « first eleven » team at home in regional government while sending his « second eleven » team to the national.

Based on the above analysis, it can be argued that any constitution that emanates from the people’s consensus through town hall meetings, national conferences and subsequently a referendum or plebiscite stands to enjoy legitimacy, credibility, believability, and sustained support from the stakeholders. A comparative study seems to suggest that the key threat to human insecurity in Nigeria is traceable to the obscure and unpopular process of the 1999 military imposed unitary constitution. This section submits that devolution of powers to the component units and socio-economic autonomy is the leeway for financial independence, in place of the current “feeding bottle” or “Banbiala” (beggar) arrangement where the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory heavily rely on the federal government for financial support, security and survival.

Home-grown education policy

On the question of whether home-grown education policy can improve the rate pf unemployment in Nigeria, the study found that more than half of the respondents (66.6%) affirmed the statement, while one third of the respondents (33.4%) had a contrary view which translates to a significant and concerned minority. This result shows the level of the respondent’s poor understanding of the benefit of decolonizing the western educational system, and the need to incorporate African indigenous knowledge and values system in the Nigerian educational curricula. This variable accounts for a mean score value of 2.99, which represents an insufficient mean factor that can impact on human security and activities. Nonetheless, this result appears not to be a true reflection of the reality on the ground, because there are still pockets of colonial elements in the African education curricula, overtly or covertly designed to promote and sustain western values and colonial legacies to the detriment of the indigenous knowledge system. The western educational system contrasts with the pre-colonial African educational policy structure where the African child is exposed to varieties of life-long careers, job opportunities, African histories, and an African value system. Despite the galloping rate of graduate unemployment, moral degeneration inequality and influence of western values, a significant number of respondents still believe in the age long narrative that foreign education curricula from either Europe, Asia, or the United States of America, is preferable to the African indigenous knowledge system, notwithstanding the mountain of challenges that are inherent in the western educational system. However, one can argue that the myriads of education challenges in Africa are self-inflicted and self-sustained for lack of indigenous contents in her education curricula, hence her poor standard of education cannot be solely attributed to the western influence and control.

Conclusion

This chapter examined the factors that sustained human insecurity and strategies to improve on the persistent human insecurity in Nigeria. The study found significant corroboration among the participants and relevant scholarly documents associated with human insecurity. The results of the frequency and mean score distribution was compared and analysed referencing all the variables on the table. The findings revealed series of socio-economic threat factors that sustained human insecurity, primarily political corruption, poverty, unemployment, inadequate policy implementation, political marginalization, and lack of political will to alleviate poverty. This chapter also proffers some possible strategies that can be put in place by the Nigerian government to address the scourge of socio-economic and political factors that constitutes human insecurity and development in Nigeria.

CHAPTER SEVEN

Non-kinetic Approach to threat to Human Security in Nigeria

Introduction

The Nigerian state of human insecurity has spanned decades of years without practical and proactive measures by government to abate it. Part of the challenge is the government’s preventive and curative approach to threats to internal and human security and development. Presently, the government frequently engages the military in times of internal crises, police indiscriminate arrest and prosecute, suppression of contrary views and the inability to engage in dialogue with agitators, including other forms of human rights violation appears to be a wrong strategy, hence it failed to yield the expected result. The government’s inability to securitize non-military existential threats of poverty, inequality and unemployment largely contributes to this abysmal failure. This chapter examines the intangible threat factors that have the capacity to mitigate persistent threat to human insecurity in Nigeria. These approaches include – the Igbo empowerment model of entrepreneurship, promotion of the indigenous educational system, regional autonomy via constitutional review, border security awareness and consciousness, strengthening the justice system and population control.

Adoption of Igbo Empowerment Model of Entrepreneurship (Igba-Odibo)

To empower the downtrodden members of the society, the governments have for decades embarked on series of anti-poverty reduction programs and strategies to improve and promote human security in Nigeria. For instance, the Directorate for food, Roads, and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI), National Directorate of Employment (NDE), Better Life Program (BLP), People’s Bank of Nigeria (PBN), Family support Program (FSP), Community Bank (CB), Family Economic Advancement Programmes (FEAP) and so forth, are all empowerment strategies targeting the underprivileged in rural and urban areas. The nature of this first phase intervention efforts include: the construction of feeder roads, rural water supply and rural electrification, training, finance and guidance, self-help and rural development program, skill acquisition and health care. It also encouraged savings and credit facilities, child welfare and youth development programmes (Oladeji and Abiola 1998:).

The vanity of the above program led to the establishment of the second phase of empowerment initiative named National Poverty Eradication Program (NAPEP), with the aim of coordinating all empowerment and poverty alleviation programs from the national, state, and local government levels. NAPEP was structured into four schemes, and these include: Youth Empowerment Scheme (YES), Social Welfare Service Scheme (SOWESS), Rural Infrastructure Development Scheme (RIDS), and Natural Resources Development and Conservation Scheme (NRDCS). The major difference between NAPEP and the previous poverty reduction projects was that it coordinates the activities of other relevant ministries, parastatals, and agencies nationwide. Even though NAPEP appears to be a capacious program, but poverty level remained unchanged. (Musa, Abdullah, and Wahid 2016:312).

Subsequently, the third phase, the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategies (NEEDS), was launched, with four major stages – Transforming government institutions to fight corruption, ensure transparency, promoting the rule of law and enforcement of contracts, promoting the private sector as an engine for wealth creation and employment generation (Ojo, 2014:66). NEEDS also gives emphasis to social welfare on health, employment, education, poverty reduction, security, youth empowerment, participation, and strategic value orientation. The program was established with a national outlook in the 36 states and 774 local governments. The implementation of the policy calls for collaboration and coordination among Federal and State governments, private sector, donor agencies, civil society organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and host of other stakeholders. It is often described as the Nigerian version of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). However, poor implementation crippled the activities of NEEDS since the implementation strategy was described as a medium-term goal (Ojo, 2014:66).

Nonetheless, in 2016 President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration introduced a multi-centric and multi-focused N-Power poverty alleviation program and strategies targeting Nigerian youth. The key focused areas of the National Empowerment Scheme program include, N-Power Agro, N-Power Tax, N-Power Build, N-Power Creative, N-Power Health, N-Power Teach, N-Power Tech Hardware and N-Power Tech Software. The N-Power Volunteer Corps is the post-tertiary engagement initiative for Nigerians between 18 and 35. It is a paid volunteering program of a 2-year duration. At the commencement of the program in 2016, the Federal Government engaged 200,000 N-Power Volunteers. In 2017, the Federal Government enlisted 300,000 more candidates (Bennel, 2017:15).

Despite the aforesaid government initiative relentless measures to better the lives of the people from poverty, inequality and unemployment remained perpetually high and continually unabated. In terms of state poverty index, Ojochenemi and Asuelime, (2015) observed that eight of the 10 poorest states in the country are in the northern Nigeria. Precisely, they indicated that Jigawa topped the list with 95 percent of its citizens classified as living in poverty; then followed by Kebbi, 89.7 percent; Kogi, 88.6 percent; Bauchi, 86.3 percent; Kwara, 85.2 percent; Yobe, 83.3 percent; Zamfara, 80.9 percent; Gombe, 77 percent; Sokoto, 76.8 percent; and Adamawa, 71.7 percent” (Ojochenemi and Asuelime, 2015:133). Paradoxically, the above statistics is coming from a region that has dominated Nigerian government and politics for more than four decades without any meaningful human empowerment and development in the area, while the marginalized south is far ahead of the north in terms of education, health care, life expectancy, and malnutrition prevalence rate. Today, Nigeria is ranked as the poverty capital of the world, amid abundant natural wealth and human resources. The failure of the government empowerment and alleviation program has been attributed to lack of targeting mechanisms for the poor; political and policy instability; inadequate coordination of various programs; several budgetary, management and governance problems; lack of accountability and transparency; and lack of mechanisms for the sustainability of the programs (Oshewolo, 2010:218). From the government assessment perspective, Hussaini, (2014) revealed that the programs failed due largely to the fact that: they were mostly not designed to alleviate poverty, they lacked a clearly defined policy framework with proper guidelines for poverty alleviation, they suffered from polity instability, political interference, policy and macro-economic dislocations, they also lacked continuity, they are in most cases poorly implemented and are characterized by corruption on the part of government officials and public servants (Hussaini, 2014:718-719). Furthermore, Nwaobi, (2019) states that weak synergy between states, federal and local government areas, failure to address fundamental issues of identification, unreliable mechanisms for targeting beneficiaries, lack of a credible and harmonized data base for planning are key areas for its underperformance. He further identified weak monitoring and evaluation as well as grievance and redress management processes (systems), poor donor, government, and partner coordination (alignment), including lack of transparent and effective payment system for direct Government to person (G2p) payment, limited scale, and coverage as well as lack of accountability and ability to accurately measure impact (Nwaobi, 2019:10-11). Besides these setbacks, government empowerment programs since inception have no doubt provided opportunities for youth employment, infrastructure development, economic empowerment training and to thousands of the beneficiaries across the 36 states and 774 local governments in Nigeria.

It is on the above limitations that the authors strongly propose that the government should perhaps consider the Igbo entrepreneurial apprenticeship model of skill acquisition as a complementary strategy to address the nagging triple challenges of poverty, inequality, and unemployment. Located in the south-eastern part of Nigeria, the Igbo is one of the largest ethnic groups and arguably the richest tribe in Nigeria with a population of about 70 million people. The key factor that propels and sustained the economic engine of Igbo and wealth creation is the age long tradition of entrepreneurial apprenticeship through Igba-odibo, literally meaning traditional business school, where a well-established businessman or woman involved any of his/her brother, sister, uncle, nephew, niece, in-law, or any youth in the community within his/her business empire. The intention is to educate or impact on the relative successful business philosophy, skill, tricks, and risks associated with the business, and to assist him/her to establish at the completion of the apprenticeship. The condition of the apprenticeship is spelled out in the memorandum of understanding between the mentor and the mentee written and signed in the presence of the relatives of both parties before the commencement of the internship. This internship process may last for 4-5 years depending on the nature of the business, within which the mentee is settled on the condition that he has acquired the competence necessary for the trade. Further, that the apprentice has remained loyal, honest, and respectful to his master and family, that within this period he did not steal his master’s money or recklessly use or damage his property. The settlement of the mentee is usually in cash and sometimes goods equivalent to enable him independently starts his own business. However, if the mentee failed to live up to the expectations of the master, the punishment sometimes could be an extension of years of service, out-right expulsion, or reprimand. After a while and of course depending on the progress of the business the new entrepreneur will in turn recruit another relative into his business and establish him, thereafter, thereby contributing to the reduction and empowerment of the youth in the community. This has been an unending process that has spanned for generation. In this way, wealth continues to circulate within families, in-laws, and friends and in the community. In his comparative analysis between the Hausa and Yoruba tribes, Le Vine (1999) argues that the Igbo placed a premium on occupational skill, enterprise, and initiative, upon which mobility is dependent. Individuals are motivated to work hard and cleverly marshal available resources of increasing wealth so that more people, unlike among the Hausa and Yoruba, he points, have access to wealth, and wealth brings power rather than power bringing wealth (Le Vine 1999, in Olutayo, 1999:152). According to findings linked to social learning theory, Igbo families provide an entrepreneurial leadership platform which influences youths through role models, providing mastery experiences, and socialization. The extended family provides a safe environment for risk-taking, creativity and innovation. Also, an informal apprenticeship system provides entrepreneurial learning that prepares the younger generation to take to business as a way of life (Igwe, 2018:1).

The beauty of this process is that the mentor might encounter serious business setback after settling the mentee, perhaps because of import or export challenges or even fire or flood disaster capable of collapsing the “Oga’s” (master) business, the young men he established in his enterprise usually comes to his rescue by putting resources together to help their master bounce back to business. In Nigeria Igbos are seen as people who are naturally enterprising, hardworking, industrious, progressive, innovative, self-made, development minded and independent from the expected government handouts that never comes. Their entrepreneurial activities have facilitated an improved standard of living among the people in both rural and urban settings. Maliga (2013:8) and Udegbe (2013:5) revealed in their separate studies that the assets of the Igbo in Lagos state of Nigeria alone is about 74% of the total investments in the city, which is nothing less than N300 trillion, and twice as much is to be found in the Federal Capital territory of Abuja: about N600 trillion, while in Kano and Kaduna, in the northern part of Nigeria, Igbo investments run up to N10 trillion, respectively. Commenting on the developmental capabilities of the Igbo entrepreneurs, Agazie (2021:8) notes that Governor Gabriel Suswan of Benue State of Nigeria advised that any state government that ignores the Igbo does so at the risk of its economy. In support of the above, Olanrewaju (1999:152) argues that one of the reasons for the lack of development – which he called “development hiccups” – in African countries and in Nigeria in particular “is that the Igbo entrepreneurs have not been given enough chance to participate in the development process” (Olanrewaju, 1999 in Obunike, 2016:46).

The fundamental question then is how best can the government harness this unique apprenticeship model of empowerment? The authors advocates for National Empowerment Training and Partnership Program (NETPP) where government and successful Igbo businessmen and women, and relevant ministry/department can collaborate in training Nigerian youth in trade and commerce. The beneficiaries of NETPP can be attached to selected Igbo shops and industries of choice where participants learn the art of business. In return for the services rendered, the government could build and allocate free or subsidized shops to the mentors in designated areas for the training program. In addition, pay the mentees a monthly allowance within the period of the training. At the end of the training which may last between two to three years, depending on the business of choice, the government would empower the beneficiaries with the necessary tools and initial capital to start their own business.

For sustainability and effectiveness, government can provide legislation to legitimize the program to encourage in-coming government to consolidate on the empowerment policy. The program can also be attached to the Ministry of Trade and Industry in conjunction with youth development agencies for the purpose of monitoring and evaluation. The NETPP trainers would be mandated to submit independent annual report on the beneficiary attached to him or her to the ministry to complement notes and evaluate the reports of the government.

The major difference between the previous government empowerment programs and NETPP is that while the former was solely initiated, sponsored, and monitored by the government, the latter involved private sector partnership, joint monitoring, joint assessment, and more years of training as opposed to the fire bridge approach of the previous poverty alleviation initiatives. The potential challenges of NETPP would be as usual corruption, commitment on the part of government, the trainer and the trainee’s zeal and patience to complete the program, including ethnic and religious bias and sentiments. A successful implementation of NETPP driven program holds the promise of producing future entrepreneurs of note that would be self-employed, self-sustained and ready to adequately compete in the local and global market.

Regional autonomy and Constitutional review

To adopt a better strategic approach to threat to National security the issue of constitutional review or what some analysist termed restructuring comes to the fore. In Nigeria, the clamour for constitutional review to pave the way for regional autonomy in line with the 1954 arrangement, as opposed to the current quasi federal system is gaining momentum by the day. Historically, it has been proven that regional political arrangement to governance eliminates the alleged preponderant fear of lopsided appointments, economic marginalization, oppression, and domination inherent in the present centralized system wherein a dominant tribe in power lords itself over to the rest of the component units. The essence of regional autonomy is to allow the component units to adequately take control of the resources and security threat within their geographical space. Importantly, regional autonomy takes care of the diversity and disparity factors of historical background, multi-lingual and multi-cultural gaps, economic and social development challenges, and above all, to allow each region to compete and develop at their own pace. In the past, successive Nigerian governments have embarked on series of constitutional review measures aimed to promote peace, national unity, and development. The result of this effort is evident in state creation, power rotation mechanism, quota system and federal character, …yet the quest for constitutional development and amending the existing ones has continued to generate opinions and thoughts of individuals in different strata of Nigerian society (Bribena, 2019:26). The simple reason for the persistent clamour was that the content of the 1999 constitution lacked clear source and due process required for a modern constitution. The point being made is that the present constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria lack people’s opinion via referendum, constitutional conference, history, customs, and traditions of the people to legitimize it. The 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria, as amended was hurriedly and prematurely initiated, drafted, packaged, sponsored and above all midwifed by a committee hand-picked by the General Abdusalami Abubakar’s military dictatorship, influenced by ethnic, religious, and regional bias and domination agenda, hence the persistent agitation for people oriented and credible constitution by well-meaning Nigerians, particularly those from south and Middle Belt geopolitical zones. It was from this understanding that the New African Magazine of 25 November 2013 opined, that the demand for a new constitution is because of the vigorous campaigns by pressure groups which believe that the problems currently overwhelming Nigeria are the direct consequence of the lack of adequate participation by civil society before the current constitution was imposed in 1999 by the military government in power at the time. The opponents of the 1999 constitution have also criticized it on the grounds that it contains a preamble that alleges that it is the product of Nigerians as a whole. This claim, they say, is a lie. And, therefore, for the claim to be valid, the critics insist that there should be a national constitutional conference whose product should be authenticated in a referendum (New African Magazine, 2013:35). What Nigeria needs now is a legitimate federal constitution that has the capacity to promote competitive spirit via comparative advantage, infrastructure, and human security development, and above all good governance among the federating unit.

Federalism, according to Watts (1994:7) is not an abstract ideological model to which political society is to be brought into conformity, but rather a way or process of bringing people together through practical arrangements intended to meet both common and diverse preferences of people (Watts, 1994:7). In constitutional terms, a federal system generally takes the form of an arrangement where governmental powers are shared between a national government and a varying number of subnational governments, with some emphasis on the autonomy and independence of each constituent unit. The specific model of federal structure that was adopted in Nigeria from 1954-1966 was one in which the national (federal) and regional governments were “equal and co-ordinate » with respect to the jurisdictional allocation of powers spelled out in the constitution. This model was largely inspired by the analysis of federal systems contained in K. C. Wheare’s highly influential book Fiscal Federalism (Wheare’s, 2007:76). In 1954 Nigeria adopted a federal system of government where the Northern region, Western region, and Eastern region were given regional autonomy by the federal constitution with the administrative headquarters in Kaduna, Ibadan, and Enugu, respectively. Subsequently, the independence and republican constitutions of 1960 and 1963 created Mid-western region and maintained the same federal system of government. Under this arrangement, Njoku (2014) observed that the British colonial government encouraged the growth of cash crops (groundnut, cotton, cocoa, palm oil and kernels) in different regions of the country following the Great Depression and the World Wars of the 1930s and 1940s. The rise of these cash crops was specifically nurtured by the topography, ecosystem, soil fertility and weather condition of the environment. From the colonial humble beginnings, the country attained leadership positions in the export of palm oil and palm kernels, cocoa, and groundnuts (Njoku, 2014:241). According to Njoku, cocoa a native of South America was bought from Fernando Po to Nigeria only in the late 19th century and found its best abode in Western Nigeria. Palm oil and kernels found its home in the forest belt as groundnut was motivated to be planted in the Northern part of the country. The reason for these localised crop plantations was not necessarily for the development of the country’s agricultural output, but for the exportation of these cash crops to the metropolis. As a result of the industrial revolution in Europe, the demand for palm oil and later, palm kernels soared in the 19th century. Palm oil and kernel oil were used in the production of soap, margarine, cooking fats, candles and lubricants, and palm kernels chaff, for producing cake for feeding livestock (Njoku, 2014:226).

Using the defunct Eastern region as a case study and in a bid to revive and consolidate the agricultural sector, the premier of the eastern region, Dr. M.I. Okpara, in 1961, undertook a tour of Israel and was impressed with the Israeli moshavim settlements. He returned home with an Israeli team of experts who undertook a two-month economic survey of Eastern Nigeria. The team, in its report, recommended the establishment of farm settlements in the region. As a result, Okpara established seven agricultural settlements scattered over seven provinces in Eastern Nigeria. These include, Uzo-Uwani, Igbariam, Ogoja, Ulonna North, Ulonna South, Abak and Erei. These established settlements were intended to serve some research purposes for future government administrators. It was also aimed to stem rural-urban migrations, generate revenue, curb social vices, and create employment opportunities. The government believed that the unemployed young people would see in modernized agriculture an occupation worthy of pursuit (Okoro, 1961-1971, memo from unpublished project report page 5). The revenue accrued from this effort was used to run the regional government and provide essential services to the people, particularly health care and education. Just as in other African colonial enclaves, feeder roads, highways and railways constructed by both regional and federal governments in Nigeria were all linked to the sea for easy exportation of agricultural produce (Njoku, 2014:223), using mainly bicycle, motorbike, truck, canoe, and donkey, as means of transportation of the produce to its destination. The point being made is that all the aforesaid agricultural policies, economic growth, human security, infrastructure development and good governance were independently carried out by the then eastern regional government without any influence or intervention from the central government courtesy of the 1954 federal constitution. What accounted for the weakness of the federal government under this arrangement was the decision of the leaders of the three major political parties to serve as the head of each of the regional governments while sending their lieutenants to serve in the national government. Each party leader kept his « First Eleven » team at home in regional government while sending his « Second Eleven » team to the national (Adamolekun and Ayo, 2020:158). Undoubtedly, this political strategy made the regional government stronger than the central government in terms of quality political leadership, development plans, administrative skill, robust debate in the regional assemblies and strong, impartial, and courageous judiciary, as opposed to the weak and not so competent administrators at the national level of government. A good illustration of the consequences of strong and weak governments for public administration was the way each government tackled the problem of Nigerianizing the personnel of the civil service. Although each regional government had a clearly articulated policy, which it implemented faithfully, the Nigerianization policy of the federal government took much longer to formulate; more importantly, implementation was hindered by conflicting pressures from the regional and ethnic interests represented within the federation (Adamolekun and Ayo, 2020:158-159). Unfortunately, the regional constitution was disrupted by the 1966 coup that brought General Aguiyi Irosi into power. Subsequently, the new regime repealed the structure of regional autonomy in place of the present pseudo-federal unitary arrangement where unlimited powers were given to the central authorities making it difficult for the component units to survive.

The persistent agitation for true federalism is informed by the historical experience and gains of the 1954-1966 regional autonomy/constitution and the credible measures put in place to manage the multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-political tensions and conflicts confronting Nigeria in the pre- and post-independence era. Presently, the 1999 constitution as amended has no capacity as it were, to replicate this achievement because the federating units lack the constitutional backing to legislate on important socioeconomic and political issues. For examples, Section 4 part 1, page 242-248 of the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria comprised an array of 68 exclusive legislative powers ascribed to the central government. Section 4-part 2 page 248 – 255 provides for concurrent list where both the federal government and states share legislative powers. With this arrangement the states and local government are incapacitated to engage in any meaningful development projects and policies that will benefit the poor, such as resource control, threat to state and human security, infrastructure projects and environmental challenges – railways, good roads, airports, schools and health facilities, pollution, and soil erosion. The current “feeding bottle” kind of federalism where the 36 state governors beseech Abuja for monthly allocation is no longer sustainable. A decentralized security architecture, independent policy formulation, implementation and monitoring, a devolved education and health system, political autonomy and representation, respect for ethnic and religious values are significant elements of true federalism and good governance. The challenges inherent in the 1999 constitution of Nigeria has gone beyond retouching and or amendment, it required a wholistic approach, rebranding and legitimized through the will of the people expressed in a national referendum.

Reclaiming the Pre-Colonial Africa Educational system

One of the inherited and most enduring colonial legacies that have contributed to human security and insecurity in Africa is the so-called foreign education system structured and nurtured to promote and project the white man’s socio-cultural values and colonial ambition. Before the advent of foreign education, pre-colonial Africa were essentially advanced societies by every comparative standard of education, both formal and informal. The pre-colonial African education system was configured and designed to teach the African child the accepted and expected norms and values of the society, and to prepare him/her for the various stages of “life-long challenges” and opportunities. The child’s parents, traditional leaders, elders of the community, and those ascribed to perform certain obligations for the development of the child were directly responsible for this daunting but necessary task of educating the child in the African society. The most crucial aspect of the pre-colonial African education was its relevance to African needs and community development, characterized by “it’s close link with social life, both in material and spiritual sense, its collective nature, its many-sidedness, and its progressive development in conformity with the successive stages of physical, emotional and mental development of the child” (Rodney, 1972:291). Although the African indigenous education offered by the community was comprehensive such that it provided training in physical, character, intellectual, social, and vocational development, it however had its limitations. For one thing, is the absence of writing. The indigenous African people depended on the power of their memories to facilitate the retention and transmission of all learned ideas to future generations. But memory could fail, and in the event of the death of a custodian of some useful information or skill, all was lost. There were, however, little or no cases of unemployment (Mkpa, 2015:1), because there was no expectation from any authority for job. The inability of indigenous Africa to read and write, as well as keep records for posterity culminated in the white man’s claim of discoveries in Africa. One of the bogus fallacies was the indoctrinated claim that Mongo Park, one of the voyage hungry colonial master discovered river Niger.

Nevertheless, the products of the indigenous education were meant to acquire special skills and knowledge that grew out of their local environment, as well as competence that is relevant to the growth and development of the society, particularly in African history, spirituality, music, legal system, and more importantly, indigenous science and technology. Formal education was expressed in the number of universities established in Africa before the advent of the colonial masters. In Egypt, for example, there was Al-Azhar University, in Morroco the University of Fez, and in Mali the University of Timbuktu, all testimony to the standard of education achieved in Africa before the colonial intrusion (Rodney 1972:293).

The introduction and the widespread of Western/Arabic education system in Africa from all intend and purposes were a colossal setback to the indigenous knowledge system of Africa, hence the genesis of the confusion in the post-colonial African educational system. The new educational system disrupted and disoriented the African indigenous knowledge system, ushering in a new set of formal educational institutions which partly supplemented and partly replaced the organic African institutions. The new colonial education policy was geared towards the study of Euro-Asian religion, English literature, British or Dutch law, medicine, music, among other Eurocentric subjects. It was not education system that grew out of the African environment or one that was designed to promote the most rational use of material and social resources. It was not an educational system designed to give young people confidence and pride as members of African societies, but one which sought to instil a sense of deference towards all that was European and capitalist (Rodney 1972:293).

At independence, the African political elites and education administrators inherited and maintained this form of disruptive education system characterized by “irrelevant school curricula, obsolete education policy and high drop-out and repetition rate, and the fact that many graduates were dependent and low on initiative (Imam 2012). This condition prompted the 1969 National Curriculum Conference, which was the first national attempt to change the colonial orientation of the Nigerian educational system and promote national consciousness and self-reliance through education process (Imam 2012:188). This endeavour resulted in “the 7-5-2-3 British education model, the Universal Basic Education and the 2004 Nigerian Education Policy (NEP) modelled after the American 6-3-3-4 system of education, with significant emphasis on national unity, indigenous language development, technical education, science, and technology (Imam 2012, in Uzomah, 2018:40). Despite these efforts to decolonize and recover the pre-colonial value-based education system through curriculum transformation, there are still pockets of colonial character in the Nigerian school curricula and Africa. For example, English language has for decades enjoy primacy over the Nigerian indigenous languages, majorly – Igbo, Hausa, and Yoruba, and has remained key criteria for admission in tertiary institutions, learning and teaching, class easement and overall means of communication in Nigeria.

Unfortunately, the reality is that in our society today speaking “good English” as an African child has become a measure to determine a smart and intelligent student in our schools and communities. The argument from pro-colonialist group that English is a universal language used in international trade, commerce and diplomacy is not justifiable enough to abandoned African identity. Some parents have gone the extra mile to refuse using indigenous language to teach and communicate with their kids at home. Part of the problem stems from the inability of the political class to consult widely during the process of education policy formulation aimed to enable parents and guardians understand the importance of indigenous language, hence implementation and monitoring become near impossible. Buttressing this point, Shizhha, (2013) emphatically stressed that knowledge creation is a political and ideological process. When it comes to school knowledge, it is those that control political and economic resources that impose their ideas, opinions, thoughts, and ideologies on those considered “subordinates” (Shizha, 2013:3).

It might interest the reader to note that Nigeria is one of the countries (if any) that does not recognize education rights as part of the citizen’s fundamental human rights in her constitution (CFRN, Chapter 1V), hence Nigerian Education Policies originates from national conferences and establishment of education commissions. In other words, the right to education has no identifiable provision in the constitution of the federal Republic of Nigeria. Additionally, the Nigerian government’s habit of borrowing irrelevant and abandoned education policy from advanced countries – Asia, Europe, or America without adequate local needs assessment, coupled with lack of political will to successfully implement the plagiarized education system constitutes an existential threat to human security in Nigeria.

Presently, Africa needs an education system with indigenous contents and capacity to mitigate socio-political and economic threats to human security, encourage national unity and social justice. These can be realized through homemade education policy and structure that promotes patriotism, traditional and historical African norms, and values. Nigeria needs a detribalized citizen that believes in building bridges across the length and breadth of the country, as well as promote Nigerian culture, products, language, sports, and image at home and abroad. The establishment of unity schools, National Youth Service Corp (NYSC), Federal Character commission, and other sister unity agencies aimed to actualize the above philosophy appears to have been selfishly hijacked by greedy political class, affluence parents, and influential members of the society.

It therefore behoves the Federal government of Nigeria to prioritize the use of indigenous languages as a medium of communication and instruction in private and public institutions. Nevertheless, it makes sense to use English language as a strategy for breaking communication barriers in a multi-ethnic and multilingual setting as Nigeria, but it makes less sense to prioritize the subject in a country where virtually half of the population are illiterates. For example, Chapter V, Section 1 sub-section 55 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended (2010), states that the business of the National Assembly shall be conducted in English, and in Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba when adequate arrangement has been made thereof (CFRN, page 66), which directly or indirectly affirmed the use of English as an official language of communication in a black people’s assembly.

The consequences of foreign elements in the Nigerian education system have devastatingly impacted on the lives and activities of the indigenous people of Nigeria expressed in their mode of dressing, style of music, sport, rites of passage, pattern of building houses, marriages, naming and funeral ceremonies, eating habits, thinking and behaviour. An average Nigerian, particularly the youth has fallen far short of their cultural identity and ideals of ethnic affinity, instead, much emphasis or interest is placed on foreign culture and lifestyle. This is evident in the crazy attitudes of Nigerian football fans, especially the youth over the European champions leagues with little or no concern/interest in African leagues. The education curriculum as it were, does not seem to have the indigenous content that speaks to the promotion, projection, and preservation of African values. Further, lack of homegrown education policy in Nigeria holds the promise of producing a mismatch of graduates that are poorly prepared, ill-equipped, and incompetent to provide the necessary skills for indigenous job markets. This accounts for the reason some countries have subjected graduates of their schools to fresher trainings and examinations to ensure fitness into their own System (Lawal, 2013:31). Similarly, the Nigerian government and the private sector have consistently denied the indigenous engineers the opportunity to showcase their competence and talents in both minor and mega projects, such as construction of stadia, highways, flyover bridges, railways, mega shopping malls, security of oil wells and pipelines, for lack of “sufficient knowledge and competence”. Mega projects are exclusive the preserve of foreign companies, preferably America, Germany, French and most recently Chinese and Arab companies. Hence, we submit that if the products of our education system lack the knowledge and skills necessary to advance Nigerian socio-economic development, then the right time to re-think Nigerian education curriculum beyond the usual re-touching is now.

Securitizing non-military security threats to Nigeria

Securitization is defined as “a discursive process through which an issue is presented as an existential threat, requiring emergency measures and justifying action outside the normal bounds of political procedure (Balazacqtor 2005:178). The idea of securitization was first articulated by Ole Waever (1989:5) developed by himself in Securitization and De-securitization in collaboration with Barry Buzan and Jaap de Wild in Security: A New Framework for Analysis (see also Waever, 1995, Buzan, 1998; Brito, 2009:14). Securitization framework constitutes an essential tool in the understanding of how issues become security issues, or as Wæver puts it, what really makes something a security problem (Wæver, 1995:54), particularly when one is dealing with non-traditional security concern, as is the case of non-military security matters. The securitization framework is essential in understanding the mechanisms through which issues qualify as internal security agenda. The Nigerian security policy challenge arises from the lack of clear homemade policy to identify and analyze threat(s) to human security. The concern here has to do with the Western source of securitization practices and its emphasis on discourse analysis. The basic issue is whether the European model of securitization can fit in as a model to analyse security policies in the third world countries, including Nigeria. Julius, (2014:84) queried whether securitization theory can be applied to the analysis of non-military threats in Nigeria? If it can be applied, will it be adequate or legitimately valid so as not to be described as methodologically flawed? (Julius, 2014:84), by the same imperialists that are ab initio the source of most security threats in Africa and elsewhere around the world, the Libya and Iraqi case is instructive.

In 2015 for instance, Nigeria experienced an outbreak of Ebola disease that shook its health sector to its foundation. As a curative measure, but in an “African way” the Nigerian government declared within time (speech act) the dreaded disease an existential threat to Nigerian national security and used every available resource to contain it. The then President Good Luck Jonathan was applauded for this achievement at home and abroad. However, this process can not in any way justify the use of executive order to give credence to securitization process. On the contrary, in 2017 President Muhammadu Buhari single handed proscribed the activities of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), by ordering the Federal High court in Abuja to declare the group a terrorist organization without dialogue, consultation or investigation. The court proscribed a peaceful harmless and armless group agitating for self-determination, alleging that the activities of IPOB constitute an existential threat to Nigerian national security. This action is instructive to demonstrate that the western securitization theory can be unfairly applied in the African context where democratic principles and the rule of law are highly disregarded and disrespected by authorities.

It is on this backdrop that the authors advocates for Constitutional Republican Model of Securitization process, wherein people directly or indirectly elect, appoint or nominate their representatives to take decisions on issues of common interest. Representation means a process through which the attitudes, preferences, viewpoints and desires of the entire citizenry, or a part of them are with expressed approval, shaped into governmental action on their behalf by a smaller number among them, with binding effect upon those represented (Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol.19:135). Eulau and Karps (1977:233-54) identified four possible components of representation, namely policy, service, allocation, and symbolic representation, of which the study’s focus is on policy representation. Consequently, there are five different approaches to republicanism: (1) constitutional republic (2) parliamentary republic (3) presidential republic (4) federal republic and (5) theocratic republic. The emphasis here is on constitutional republican model. A constitutional republican … is one in which, rather than directly governing, the people select some of their members to temporarily serve in political office; the constitutional part means that both the citizens and their governing officials are bound to follow the rules established in that Constitution.

Republicanism is the doctrine that public power should always serve the common good of all those subject to its rule … either through policies or through constitutional structure. The republican philosophical tradition began with Plato and Aristotle, flowered in the writings of Marcus Tullius Cicero, and reappeared with the revival of learning in such authors as Niccolò Machiavelli, James Harrington, John Adams, and Immanuel Kant (Mortimer, 2015:1). The basic desiderata of republican government are the concern … for the common good through the checks and balances of a mixed … deliberative senate, and a regulated popular assembly, constrained by an independent judiciary, and subject to the rule of law (Sellers, 2001:1).

The republican model of securitization is supposedly a collective decision-making approach where all relevant stakeholders take security responsibility on behalf of the state and the people. It is a representative arrangement where people take collective decisions as opposed to executive fiat, individual or minority pronouncement on security issue. The need for alternative securitization model stem from the fact that some African leaders lack the moral, competent, sincerity and commitment to carry out western model of securitization which is entirely alien to African values and tradition. The proposed constitutional republican model of securitization can be used to contain the excesses of a tyrannical regimes, from taking unpopular decision that could infringed on the fundamental human rights and freedom of the people. This approach has the capacity to deal with the nagging issues of endemic poverty and acute unemployment, inequality and by extension human insecurity in Nigeria,

However, the Ole Weaver’s Western securitization approach can serve as a template through which the constitutional republican model of securitization can be advanced. The constitutional republican model as we earlier alluded could take the form of a representative body drawn from the security cluster, the political class, traditional leaders, and the civil society. The proposed securitization decision-making process is articulated and demonstrated in four stages.

Stage 1: The President, through the security cluster and stakeholders identify an existential threat to internal security (discursive approach) and ascertains the level of threat to national peace and security and recommend approach for action.

Stage 2: The president or an accredited government representative makes a pronouncement on the perceived threat (speech act) based on intelligence, while the National Assembly ascertain the legality of the recommendations and available funds for action.

Stage 3: The identified threat is given extraordinary attention for implementation by the relevant authority who ensure frequent feedback and advice to the president.

Stage 4: The outcome of the operation will determine the next move/action of the government. If the objective of the military or non-military exercise is successfully accomplished, de-securitization process will commence, that is, shifting issues from the realm of emergency politics back into the realm of normal political deliberation and haggling (Weaver, 1995:2000).

The time frame for the whole process is determined by the nature and level of threat and the available resources for action. In this way, the president is constrained from the use of executive order/secret process to determine what constitutes existential threat to human or internal security. It is important to stress that under this arrangement (constitutional republic model) the president still has the executive power to derail the process, however, ascertaining the legality of the operation and availability of resources/fund by the National Assembly brings to the fore the issue of constitutionality of presidential action, provoking the principal of checks and balances, as well as the legitimacy required to drive the securitization process.

It is instructive to note that the proposed constitutional republican model and the western securitization process appears to have the same objective. But the point of departure is the environment and orientation of leaders and their approach to rule of law. The republican model of securitization is quite relevant to Africa for the fact that security is a function of the local milieu, hence homegrown approach ought to be possible and plausible remedies to mitigate the existential threats of endemic unemployment, multidimensional poverty, and galloping inequality in Nigeria.

Creating security awareness and consciousness across border communities

Nigeria is bordered by Benin, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger, it shares maritime borders with Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, and São Tomé and Príncipe. With huge land mass of 923,769 square kilometers, it becomes obvious that Nigeria, in military parlance, is bedevilled with ungoverned spaces. Ungoverned space is a physical or non-physical area where there is an absence of state capacity or political will to exercise control. Physical space can be land area, such as the Sahel region, where terrorists have successfully conducted attacks, or the Niger delta, were corruption and criminal activity is pervasive. Or something we often forget, maritime areas, such as the African coastal waters in the Gulf of Guinea or the Swahili coast (Whelan, 2006:64-65). The rural and remote nature and security environment of most Nigerian border communities constitute a catalyst for criminals and non-state actors take advantage to operate with impunity. Most border communities in Nigeria are very poor with virtually no police presence, public health care facilities, standard public schools, inadequate employment opportunities for youths, lack of access roads and electricity, and in most cases absence of government presence. Environment short of security agents and human welfare opportunities can constitute safe haven for local and international criminal gangs, money bag smugglers and agents engage in illicit businesses. These criminal groups are in the habit of offering mouth-watering gratification to the communities and government officials at the border posts. It is impossible for illegal border business to strive without the assistance of the hungry and poor border communities that have lost trust and hope in their government. Extant literature attest to the facts that most border crime is committed along unmanned spaces. Buttressing this point the Adamawa State Boundary Affairs Commission alluded that most of the perpetrators of the criminal activities across and along the borders hardly pass through the legal or recognized routes. The commission stated that arms and ammunition smuggling and sales across the borders have become lucrative illegal business, in addition to border crimes like illegal immigration, currency trafficking and goods smuggling (ASBAC, 2011:31). Further, the illegal activities of smugglers of refined petroleum products out of Nigeria, and the illegal re-exportation of used automobiles, clothing, electronics, and household goods from neighbouring countries, create scarcity, undermine local industry, and denied government badly needed revenue (Atiku, 2011: xiv). This brings to the fore the paramount national role of the border residents and the need for collaborative security awareness and consciousness program between the border communities and governments on both sides of the divide. Security awareness has to do with having knowledge of what security is all about, and perhaps what may constitute threat to life, liberty, and property of citizens, whereas security consciousness technically means making security knowledge or awareness a way of life (Aja-akpuru Aja 1999:35). In other words, citizens should not only be aware of what constitutes security breach, but at the same time be ready to act, hence security ab initio is never an exclusive preserve of security agencies, every civilian ought to be a complementary national security asset.

The vantage position occupied by border communities portrays the significant role they ought to play in the fight against foreign threat to Nigerian internal security and human safety. According to Mammman, (2011:47-48) border communities are unique from the larger society for the following reasons: (i) those in Nigeria and outside but living alongside the borders are integrated in great measures through blood, ethnic and marriage relationship, (ii) border communities are integrated socially and economically, especially at the level of informal commerce (iii) there are flow of information coming to them regarding activities in the countries where borders are shared, (iv) they tend to be multilingual, thus facilitating communication, and (v) minimum government presence, except perhaps security forces. With these unique characteristics in their disposal local border communities would be able to gather intelligence information on movements of people across shared borders, form local vigilante groups who collaborate and report suspicious activities of foreign nationals doing illegal businesses amongst the Nigerian security personnel.

Security awareness program can be achieved through town hall meetings and sensitization programs in motor parks, schools, restaurants, beer parlours, radio and television programs organized by the government and traditional leaders. In these meetings, efforts should be made to sensitize the community on what constitute threat to national security and ways and means to control, monitor and report perceived or actual threats to Nigerian internal security. The audience should be meant to be aware of their security responsibilities and the implication of harbouring or given assistance of any kind to armed bandits, human traffickers, smugglers, and other illegal businessmen and women who have sworn to compromise the Nigerian national security and integrity. For effective policing, there should be cordial relationship and trust between the communities and the Nigerian security agents in terms of intelligence information and management. The essence of security awareness and consciousness is for better and timeous intelligence report on illegal activities and policing of ungoverned spaces for appropriate and immediate action. Security agents or the local chiefs must ensure that whistle blowers are highly protected and secretly rewarded. Local governments close to border areas ought to be given special attention in terms of social and economic development, including adequate border security.

Human welfare measures to ease the menace of kidnapping in Nigeria.

Kidnapping has never been a native of Nigeria, it is a global crime and offense against humanity. Webster’s New World College Dictionary (Fifth Edition) defined kidnapping to mean “the abduction of a person, forcibly by threat or by deceit without authority of the law.” According to Uzoma and Nwanegbo-Ben (2014:132), kidnapping is the act of seizing and detaining or carrying away a person by unlawful force or by fraud, and often by a demand for ransom. It therefore involves taking a person from their family forcefully without their consent with the motive of holding the person as a hostage and earning a profit from their family. Additionally, Samaha (2008:356) also noted that kidnapping is an ancient crime that originally involved holding the king’s relatives for ransom. He observed that kidnapping was considered a serious offense because it interfered with the personal liberty of members of royal families. He specifically noted that aggravated kidnappings were mostly undertaken to achieve any or a combination of the following objectives: sexual invasion, obtaining hostage, obtaining ransom, robbing the victim, murdering the victim, blackmailing, terrorizing the victim and achieving political aims. According to Cyriax, Wilson and Wilson (2005:4), the first reported case of kidnapping for economic reason was that of the four-year-old Charlie Ross from Philadelphia in the United States of America. They further elucidate that the word ‘kidnap’ derives from the seventh-century English practice of seizing children and transporting them as slaves to the tobacco plantations in the American colonies. During the European slave trade for instance, some 24 million slaves were shipped from West Africa and Angola with some 22,000 shipped annually from ports in Nigeria over some 450 years; and in exchange for these slaves, the imperialist offered guns, gun powder, gin, rum, iron bars, mirror to their partners in crime, meaning the local leaders (Onimode, 1983 in Ugwulebo 2011:26-27).

Besides, Egbuji (2018:3) notes that kidnapping for ransom in modern Nigeria arguably began in January 2006 when four expatriates working in the oil field in the Niger Delta region were kidnapped by a group of militants and kept in unknown locations for nineteen days. She stated that members of the group were said to have demanded a ransom of $ 1.5 billion for the development of the region, which over the years had suffered environmental degradation, unemployment, large scale poverty and lack of infrastructure. She further indicates that it was not clear whether the Federal Government of Nigeria or any other body paid the ransom before the captives were released following which the government announced an amnesty program for the militants whose activities were already destroying Nigeria’s oil economy. Some scholars and commentators have argued that the impact of Nigerian civil war on the southeast culminating in the failure of the Gowon’s military regime to implement the 3Rs policy of reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction, and the gross neglect of the region by the subsequent federal governments, could be blamed for the present and persistent cases of kidnapping in the area. Ukiwo, and Chukwuma (2012:20) observed that the Federal Government of Nigeria, since the end of the civil war in 1970 has not been fair to the southeast in rebuilding its infrastructure and services destroyed during the war, which would have enabled the region to rebuild its economy and provide jobs for its army of young people. Other scholarly works on the causes, effect and the prosecution of kidnap suspects include, but not limited to Freeman 2006, Njoku and Emeghara, 2008, Asiegbu et al 2001, Olebara 2010, Anyaduba and Ejike, 2010, Daily Sun, Sep.29, 2010, Sunday Sun, August 21, 2010, Wisdom 2010, Ugwulebo, 2011, Osuji 2013, Akpotor and Oromareghake, 2013, Okoli et al 2014, Abdulkabie 2017 and Uzochukwu 2019, Ayoade Ahmad, 2020, Umar-Zamfara, 2022, Okolo and Ochube, 2022).

Since the aforesaid incident in the Niger Delta records have shown an array of high-profile cases of kidnapping in virtually the six geo-political zones in Nigeria with millions of cash in ransom paid to release the victims. For example, N13 million ransom was paid for the release of Prof. (Mrs.) Kamene Okonjo; mother of Dr. Okonjo-Iwuala, one-time Minister of Finance, former Secretary to the Federal Government, Chief Olu Falae who was released after his abductors had collected N5 million, while the wife of Nigeria’s Central Bank Governor, Mrs. Margraret Emefiele’s abductors carted away about N80 million before she regained her freedom (Egbuji, 2018:30). Three members of the Urhobo Traditional Council, amongst who were Chief Lagos, Chief Johnson Ojakovo, Omonigho Akpofure and Chief Julius Owanrieta were kidnapped for ransom in 2019. Other kidnap victims include, Nkem Owoh, a.k.a Osufia, a popular actor and comedian, Pete Edochie, a movie star was kidnapped in Anambra state, Justice ABC Egu, former President of Customary Court of Appeal was abducted in Imo State (Uzoma and Nwanegbo-Ben, 2014:35).

As an addendum to the above incidences of kidnapping for ransom motives, Table 7 below chronicled recent incidences of kidnapping by Punch Newspaper, indicating places of event and the amount individuals, families, organizations, and government allegedly paid to the criminal gangs before their victims regained their freedom.

Table 6 Recent Incidences of Kidnapping

S/N	Date	Incidences of Kidnapping	Ransom Paid
1	1/11/2020	Securing the release of schoolchildren in five separate mass kidnapping in the North-West	$2.4m
2	29/5/2021	Aggrieved parents of the abducted Green Field University secured the release of their children	N150m and 8 motorcycle
3		Abducted pupils of Tanko Salihu Islamic School Tagina, in Rafi L.G.A of Niger State	N50m
4	4/7/2021	Kidnapping of an Abuja Hotelier, and 8 others	N15m
5	21/2/2022	Gunmen kidnapped a nursing mother in Ogun State and her family secure her release	N3m
6	22/3/2022	The family of the wife of a supermarket owner in Lokoja Ugochukwu Okpala secure her release	N5m
7	7/4/2022	The family of Bank of Agriculture MD, AliHassan secure his release from the kidnappers of the train passenger	N100m
8	19/4 2022	Six family members of the newly elected councillor of Yangoji in Kwali Area Council of FCT Idris Ibrahim, their abductors refused to set the victims free despite collecting ransom	N2m
9	4/6/2022	Abduction of Methodist Prelate, Kanu-Uche, and 2 others	N100m
10	4/6/2022	Bandits killed a lecturer in Zamfara State after collecting ransom	N5m
11	16/7/2022	Release of 7 train passengers	N800m

Source: Punch Newspaper published online July 23, 2022.

Fundamentally, in all of these, the question remained what has been the government approach to contain the activities and or the menace of kidnapping business in Nigeria? Nwaechefu & Kalama, (2019:137) captured three kinetic prone action plans of the federal government towards curbing the escalating trend of kidnapping in Nigeria.

(a) The established of operation ‘Puff Adder,’ a process carried out by a combined team of men drawn from the conventional police unit, the Special Antirobbery Squad (SARS), the Force Intelligence Unit, the Special Anti-kidnapping Squads, the Police Mobile Force (PMF), the Counter-Terrorism Unit and the Special Forces.

(b) The establishment of special Joint Operation comprising the military, police, and Department of State Service (DSS) and the Nigeria Immigration all in the determined efforts to rid Nigeria of Kidnappers and Armed robbers and allied criminals.

(c) The establishment of community policing initiative to bring policing closer to the grass-root level of Nigeria. The idea is to use indigenes of the communities who reside there and who understand the environment and know most of the people so that information regarding any kidnapping or attempted kidnapping will quickly be responded to by the police. For decades, this multi-prone military approach and or plan has been put to practice in many troubled regions and specific states of the federation.

In the Niger Delta area, militants turned kidnappers cashed in on the government neglect of the welfare of the communities to recruit huge followers who happened to be victims of environmental degradation. The activities of multinational corporations have for decades destroyed the political economy of the oil producing communities in the region. This condition created opportunity for youth involvement in varieties of illegal activities, expressed in the bombing of oil pipelines, oil bunkering, armed robbery, kidnapping, and hostage taking. The kidnaping of the staff of multinational oil companies in in the region marked the turning point and increase of restiveness in the Niger Delta, a condition that recorded devastating impact on the oil economy of Nigeria and the security of the Niger Delta region. The massive military crackdown of militants’ groups (Operation Crocodile Smile 1 and 2) who are also involved in kidnapping and ransom taking could not bring peace in the area.

In the southeast zone, lack of political will to establish state security outfit to deal with anti-social crime, particularly the economic sabotage and criminal activities of the Fulani herdsmen heralded the formation of the Eastern Security Network (ESN) which subsequently turned to recruitment source of the militant wing of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Rouge elements and politicians in Igboland cashed on the situation to establish cells to fight political opponents and engage in kidnapping and hostage taking. Expectedly, the Nigerian military in collaboration with other security agencies conducted series of joint operations code-named Operation Python Dance 1 2 and 3, purportedly targeting kidnappers. The exercise later dovetailed into real time activities, such as military patrols, raids, cordon and search, check points, roadblocks and show of force. The kidnapping and extraordinary rendition of the IPOB leader escalated tension between the national security agencies and members of the Eastern Security Network culminating in Operation Golden Dawn aimed to crackdown members of IPOB, ESN and opportunistic criminals in the region. The military operation is still ongoing with no end in sight.

In northern Nigeria, the primary recruitment source of Boko Haram and armed bandits appears to be thousands of neglected street kids ever present across the 19 northern states, famously known and referred to as Almajiri, including school dropouts, the unemployed, educated, and illiterate youth. In Nigeria, the word “Almajiri” means those who left their villages or town, parents, relatives, and friends in search of Islamic religious knowledge and scholarship (Kabiru, 2010). It is instructive to mention that all the criminal gangs operating in the north appears to be involved in kidnapping, hostage taking and collection of ransom from their victims. Despite series of military operations aimed to crackdown on hoodlums in northern Nigeria, such as Operation Lafiya Dole, Operation Gama Aiki, Operation Tsera Teku, Operation Awatse, Operation Sharan Daji, Operation Harbin Kunama II and Operation Mesa, insurgency, armed banditry, kidnapping, and hostage taking remained unabated.

It takes little effort for ordinary Nigerian to observe that the use of military, paramilitary and non-state actors to fight crime, in this case kidnapping and hostage taking has not yielded appreciable result. The kinetic approach to combat crime is known to have taken huge federal budget allocation, and by default affects socio-economic development of the affected area. It has also created an opportunity for corrupt practices among the politicians in the national and state houses assemblies, including senior officers in Nigerian military and sister security agents. What is worrisome is the alleged involvement of some security agents in the act of kidnapping, gun running as well as some who provide intelligent information to the criminals. Nevertheless, the government effort expressed in the above military operations is commendable and laudable, but it wolfly and abysmally fall short of complimentary human security policy, such as measures to curb inequalities, alleviate poverty, unemployment, and inclusive government. Scholars have established evidence of the correlation and or nexus between crime and the identified socio-economic and political variables. Abel (2023:52) identified close affinity between poverty and crime in Nigeria most especially kidnapping that is currently trending. He opined that the ransom collected from the kidnapping business has attracted the unemployed youth to get lured into the so-called lucrative crime. Frustration Aggression theory stipulates that when an individual does not attain certain heights or is denied certain due privileges, the individual becomes dissatisfied, which manifests itself in an aggressive disposition or display (Dollard et al 1939).

The government’s inability to eliminate act of kidnapping is either lack of political will and action or the one-way military approach. In a country engulfed in multi-dimensional poverty, it behoves the government to formulate preventive rather than curative policy to deal with the ills of the society. As a complementary and preventive measure, the government ought to engage in geo-specific t challenges of human security and welfare aimed to block kidnappers’ recruitment sources and provide socio-economic opportunities for the streams of unemployed, instead of wasteful military operations.

The amnesty granted to Niger Delta militants by the federal government has successfully reduced tension and hostilities in the region, an indication that human security policy rather than military operations has the capacity to reduce crime and criminality in Nigeria. The Nigerian authorities should consider and prioritize preventative rather than curative measures to eliminate kidnapping and hostage taking, such as provision of skills acquisition centres, provision of job opportunities, embrace dialogue and diplomacy in dealing with kidnapers and self-determination agitators in the Southeast, South-South and Southwest geopolitical zones.

Conclusion

This chapter articulated series of non-kinetic approaches to threats to human security in Nigeria, with the understanding that the current military option from every standard have failed woefully to bring internal peace, unity, human safety, and development. The essence is to alert the government, security cluster and stakeholders on the need to redirect more effort on human rather than physical security policies and decisions. The chapter revealed that the Igbo entrepreneurial model of empowerment has the potential to reduce youth unemployment in Nigeria, and by extension multi-dimensional poverty, if and only if the government can without prejudice adopt the proposal as a working document. Development is a function of local milieu, to this end the authors demonstrates the important place of regional autonomy as a leeway to address human security, infrastructural development, and good governance. This is achievable through constitutional review in line with the 1954 model when the country was balkanised in four completive regions. The chapter further identified the western model of education as the key challenge and threat to indigenous educational system in Nigeria and Africa at large. The issue of the securitization of non-military threat to human security and the need for security awareness and consciousness among shared border communities were also raised and addressed. The section concludes with the measures that can be put in place by the government, stakeholders, and citizens to mitigate the persistent threat of kidnapping and hostage taking in Nigeria.

CHAPTER EIGHT

SOCIO-POLITICAL THREAT TO HUMAN SECURITY IN NIGERIA

Introduction

Socio-political stability in a country provides a country the opportunity to advance itself. In instances were this is lacking, poses a threat to human security. There are a variety of socio-political factors that can stunt the growth of a nation making it unfeasible for its development, impacting negatively on its citizens. In the Nigerian state context, the proliferation of arms and ammunitions amongst dissident political and ideological groups poses a serious threat to human security. The unregulated and poorly policed trafficking of arms and ammunitions across its borders has increased human casualty rates posing a threat to the safety and security of the nation. Whilst criminal factors induce human security threat, demographic factors is also a threat. Nigeria being the most populous country in the African country comprising a large segment of youth who have very little opportunities to advance themselves as contributing members of society poses a threat to its social security. Given its increasing population rates further adds to its human security if its economic sector does not improve at appreciable rates in congruence to its birth rates. At a political level breach of its electoral and constitutional laws threatens political stability. Nigeria is notoriously known not to conform to electoral procedures and procedures with diligence placing it at risk of coups. In its political history, Nigeria has had several attempted and successful coups before and after political elections leaving it vulnerable to human security. In this chapter these three factors are identified as critical to Nigeria’s human security needs.

Arms proliferation across contiguous borders to Nigeria

Proliferation of arms and ammunition means the transfer of firearms, ammunition, explosives, and other related materials from or across the territory of one State Party to that of another state party, if any one of the state’s parties concerned does not authorize it (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2009), particularly small arms and light weapons (SALW). Ammunition is further defined as bullets, shells, projectiles, missiles, rounds, shots, slugs, cartridges, munitions used with small arms, (UN Small Arms Review Conference, 2006). Illicit trade of arms is a global phenomenon that has spanned for centuries caused by global, continental, sub-regional and national events, and outcome. The catalyst of illicit arms trade in Africa and in Nigeria specifically can be linked to Terrorism, Libyan sponsored revolution in 2011, militia and separatist groups, the Nigeria-Biafra war, herdsmen-farmers conflicts, armed banditry, armed robbery and kidnapping, illegal oil bunkering, tribal and religious hostilities. The ungoverned shared border spaces of Nigeria and corrupt security agents combined contribute to the complexity in tracking down foreign gun smugglers and their local counterparts in Nigeria. These threat factors and events culminated in the uncontrolled accumulation and spread of all categories of weapons across the continent, mostly West African sub-region with terrifying human security impact with destabilizing consequences (Geneva Center for Security Policy GCSP).

Buttressing Libya as one of the sources of SALW in Africa, Mokhtar Belmokhtar of the North Africa-based al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) told the Mauritanian news agency ANI that “We have been one of the main beneficiaries of the revolutions in the Arab world…As for our acquisition of Libyan armaments that is an absolutely natural thing” (Boaz Ganor, 2013:79). The United Nations Security Council panel report similarly concludes that arms originating from Libya have significantly reinforced the military capacity of terrorist groups operating in different parts of the region, including in Algeria, Egypt, Mali, and Tunisia in particular (UNSC, 2011). The weapons, transported from the Libyan south-west by Tuareg fighters and traffickers, were moved along the Algerian and Nigerien borders. The high demand for arms and ammunition has given traffickers an opportunity to continue their lucrative trade, … stocks are sold to civilians (for self-defense) and armed groups in Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Nigeria (Institute for Security Studies, 2022). Article 54 of the United Nations charter allows states to manufacture arms locally or acquires arms through arms trade for the purpose of national security and defense of territory against foreign invasion. Nevertheless, the continuous diversion, illegal manufacture of small arms and light weapons and leakages from national stockpiles has given rise to the proliferation and misuse, thereby posing a threat to human development, peace, and security of nations (Adedolapo, 2017). According to the secretariat (2015), about 8.5 million SALW are manufactured every year in the world, 12 billion bullets are manufactured every year, and about 308,000 people were killed by arms between 2007-2012. Similarly, it was estimated globally, that between 640 and 750 million SALW are in distribution around the world, 100 to 160 million in Africa, where they are mainly in possession by the civilian population and non-combatants (UNODC, 2009). The threat of arm violence has placed Nigeria in a vulnerable state of war, insecurity conflict and destruction. It has led to underdevelopment of Nigeria’s economy, rendered people homeless and refugees and loss of thousands of lives (Ramatullah, 2022). The African Union strategy on the control of illicit proliferation and circulation of SALW are expressed in the signing, ratifying and implementing protocols at sub-regional levels, such as, the SADC Protocol on The Control of Firearms, Ammunition and Other Related Materials, 2001; the Nairobi Protocol on the Control, Prevention and Reduction of Small Arms and Light Weapons … 2004; the ECOWAS Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons …, 2006; and the Central Africa Convention for the Control of SALW, … for their Manufacture, Repair or Assembly, 2010. (Union, 2013:1).

Efforts by the Nigerian authorities to rid the country of small arms and light weapon appears to have recorded little success. It takes no effort to observe or see Boko Haram, armed bandits, Fulani herdsmen, militants, freedom agitators and other non-state actors brandishing all categories of weapon, particularly AK47and Ak 49 rifles, guns and magazines in the forest, highways, farmlands, streets, and creeks in the purview of the citizens and the Nigerian security agents. What is worrisome is the daily carnage and violence caused by these hoodlums in many states in northern Nigeria, precisely Benue, Plateau, Kaduna, Zamfara, Taraba, Yobe, Adamawa, Bornu, Kano, and Katsina states. The topography of these areas and the adjoining international borders with some of the states makes it easy for illicit trade in small arms and light weapons to thrive and undictated by the Nigerian military and paramilitary security agencies. It is pertinent to emphasize that most gun running business are carried out along thousands of illegal routes bordering Nigeria and Chad, Niger, Benin Republic and Cameroon, bypassing security agents at border gates. Recounting police success on the control of illegal arms. A police spokesperson Olumuyiwa Adejobi said that the command has recovered different forms of weapons from criminal elements comprised 265 automatic rifles; 146 pump action guns; 1,909 locally fabricated pistols; 1,500 locally made single barrel guns; 98 locally made double barrel guns; 46 General Purpose Machine Guns (GPMGs) and 16 locally made rocket launchers (https://humanglemedia.com › almost-4000-illegal-fire …). Commendable as this effort may look, and with the state of human insecurity in Nigeria, the fact remains that the government appears to have failed to protect her geo-political territory from the sophisticated and organized activities of the clandestine crime and criminality. The security agents ought to embark on a preventive rather than curative approach to tackle the menace and spread of illicit arms and ammunitions in the country. Part of this measures ought to be an effective use of human intelligence and modern technology, such as mounting CCTV Cameras at suspicious track border routes. Drones can also assist in aerial monitoring of movements across neighboring borders targeting foreign and local gun runners and other illicit trade in tick forests, grass land, rivers, and deserts. For comprehensive policing and monitoring, border communities are key for intelligence gathering to enable security agents apprehend and prosecute those involved in gun trafficking and other border crime. Joint operation between the military and the police should target unlicensed manufacturers of SALW to ensure that their products do not end up in the wrong hands of desperate politicians, religious extremists, tribal war lords, militants, and other non-state actors directly or indirectly implicated in trans-national crime.

Threat of rapid increase in human population

The current world population of 7.6 billion is expected to reach 8.6 billion in 2030, 9.8 billion in 2050 and 11.2 billion in 2100. With roughly 83 million people being added to the world’s population every year, the upward trend in population size is expected to continue … (The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2019). Currently China (1.4m) and India (1.4m) remain the two most populous countries of the world. Around 2022 India was projected to overtake China as the world’s most populous country, while China’s population is projected to decrease by 48 million, or around 2.7 per cent, between 2019 and 2050 (World Population Prospects 2022). More than half of global population growth between now and 2050 is expected to occur in Africa. Africa has the highest rate of population growth among major areas. According to the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) the population of sub-Saharan Africa is projected to double by 2050, while in contrast the European population is projected to shrink in the same period. Home to over 200 million people, Nigeria is the most populous country on the African continent and the seventh largest in the world. The United Nations forecasts that the population will double by 2050, making it the third largest country in the world (UNDESA, 2019). With these unprecedented global, regional, and national forecast and startling statistics one cannot but affirm that population growth is a huge threat to humanity globally, including Nigeria. Population is one of the key elements of a state and a procreation exercise, hence a natural phenomenon. However, it becomes problematic when measures are not put in place to control it. The book examined the rate of age distribution, standard of education, quality health care and leadership anchored on good governance as basic traits that determine the economic growth and development of nation-states. The above identified characteristics stand out as key indices that separates first world economies from the developing, underdeveloped, and less developed third world countries of the south.

Age distribution, also called Age Composition, in population studies, means the proportionate numbers of persons in successive age categories in each population. Age distributions differ among countries mainly because of differences in the levels and trends of fertility (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2011). There are two broad categories of age composition in human population; productive age and consumption age, the former is characterized by young and able-bodied men and women (18-35 depending on the environment) that determine the rate of economic growth and development, whereas the later comprised old/retired group, fondly refers as senior citizens who in their youthful days have contributed meaningfully to the development of their environments, averagely 60-65 years and above. The numerical strength of either of the two groups has tremendous impact on the economy of a state, in terms of the level of productivity (workforce) and government spending, particularly on hospital budgets and other social welfare grants.

Table 7 Nigeria age structure from 2011-2021

Characteristics	0-14 years	15-64 years	65 years & above
2021	43.29%	53.73%	2.98 %
2020	43.5%	53.5%	3%
2019	43.71%	53.28%	3.1%
2018	43.89%	53.1%	3.01%
2017	44.07%	52.66%	3.27
2016	44.22%	52.77%	3,01
2015	44.31%	52.66%	3.03
2014	44.37%	52.59%	3.04
2013	44.38%	52.55%	3.07
2012	44.36%	52.56%	3.08
2011	44.33%	52.6%	3.07

Source: Aaron O’Neill, Jul 21, 2023.

Table 8 Japan age structure from 2011 to 2021

Characteristics	0-14 years	15-64 years	65 years and above
2021	11.77%	58.44%	29.73%
2020	11.92%	58.5%	29.58%
2019	12.07%	58.65%	29.28%
2018	12.24%	58.86%	28.9%
2017	12.4%	59.51%	28.09%
2016	12.55%	59.51%	27.94%
2015	12.67%	60%	27.33%
2014	12.79%	60.68%	26.53%
2013	12.9%	61.52%	25.58%
2012	13.01%	62.35%	24.64%
2011	13,11%	62.91%	23.98%

Source: Aaron O’Neill, Jul 21, 2023. Tables 7 and 8 show Nigeria and Japan’s age composition ranging from age bracket (0-14 years), (15-64 years) and (65 years and above) in that other. Demographically, Nigeria has higher rate of potential workforce and productive human population than Japan, whereas in consumption age distribution Japan has more unproductive elderly people than Nigeria. This means that Nigeria is enviably endowed with young population that have the capacity to advance her economic growth and development. The shrinking productive group and the increase in consumption age in Japan could be because of effective child control policy and retirement age. The Japanese longevity as the table indicates might be because of government welfare and wellbeing policies and programs expressed in good health system and social safety funding. Comparatively, the low rate of consumption age in Nigeria mirrors’ inadequacies in welfare policies. The point being made is that small or large size of population of a state is inconsequential, what is relevant is the ratio of unproductive age vis-a-vis productive individual in the state. Similarly, a healthy population constitutes an asset and a veritable instrument for socio -economic growth and development of any nation-state. A government that lacks the capacity to provide health care (indigenous and or western medicine) to her citizens runs the risk of presiding over weak and unproductive population. The nexus between good health care and high productivity is not only strong but inseparable. This brings to the fore the need for good health policies and services. The health condition of the people in a country matters most than their numbers, hence the emphasis on quality rather than quantity, as per numerical strength. Further, the form of educational system of a state remained the icebreaker for technological advancement. What is important in a population is not, for instance the number of universities or students in tertiary institutions, but the quality of education received by the citizens and the number of graduates with potential to innovate, explore, control and use state resources for the benefit of all. In the post independent era, precisely 1960 to late 1990, graduates from Nigerian Universities were ranked equal with their counterpart elsewhere in the world adding value to humanity in terms of break throughs in science and technology and the digital economy. The standard of education in a country determined the quality of workforce, leadership excellence and human security.
Breach of Electoral and Constitutional laws and violence in Nigeria
Electoral commissions globally are established to midwife impartial electoral process and determine its outcome aimed to transit legitimate power from one administration to another. Section 153 (f) of the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, established the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) tasked with the responsibility to conduct free, fair, credible, and transparent elections in Nigeria. In addition to the functions conferred on it by the Constitution, the Commission shall have power to— (a) conduct voter and civic education; (b) promote knowledge of sound democratic election processes; and (c) conduct any referendum required to be conducted under the provisions of the Constitution or an Act of the National Assembly (Electoral Act. 2022, No 13/2). Unfortunately, … the performance of this institutional umpire since the First Republic has instead been a source of crisis and a threat to the existence of the Nigerian state (Ijim-Agbor, 2007:79). Nigeria’s political history dating back to the colonial period is replete with incidents of election-related violence, fuelled by electoral malfeasance of all kinds (Egwu, 2013: 103). Election related violence triggered by malpractices such as rigging, snatching of ballot boxes and inflation of votes and votes buying severely undermined the credibility of democratic regimes … since returning to civilian rule in 1999 (Egwu, 2013, 103). Electoral malpractices are part of the inherited and sustained colonial legacy in Africa, inclusively Nigeria. Questions around the credibility of elections in post-independence Nigeria can be traced as far back as the “First Republic” which lasted from 1960 – 1966. After allegations of massive rigging in the 1965 elections the country’s western region was engulfed in the infamous “Operation Wet-i.e.,” riots, which marked the genesis of electoral violence in Nigeria. (https://theconversation.com › Nigeria-has-a-history-of-…). Electoral malfeasance and violence affect the potency of electoral laws, spotlight the trust deficit between the INEC and the electorates, increase abuse of human rights, police brutality, impact negatively on the democratic principles and portray Nigeria poorly in the international community. Part of the key challenge remained that the western model of leadership transition via democracy and or election differ from the pre-colonial indigenous African kingship method. Put succinctly, democracy is not, and will never be African phenomenon despite years of practice, rather an imperialist concept and culture propagated to drive the globalization agenda, hence the persistent violence that characterised every election in Africa. In Nigeria, for instance, the level of electoral fraud, abuse of incumbency and electoral process often displayed by some desperate politicians in collaboration with INEC officials before, during and after election is potent to delegitimise electoral process and outcome. Pre-and-post-electoral violence emanates primarily when politicians and the electoral umpire deliberately engages in dishonest behaviour antithetical to electoral process, rules, and regulation. In this section we are not going to bother you much with the usual statistics or history of electoral malpractices, pattern of electoral process or post-election violence in Nigeria, rather to alert on the danger of subverting and manipulating electoral process or constitutional provision to favour any one, particularly the incumbent, which in our opinion and in all moral standard tantamount to what we describe as electoral or parliamentary coup d’tat. The objective here is to x-ray the nexus under which one can comfortably compare military action and civilian illegal behaviour as coup d’tat and the possible means to mitigate such action using Nigeria as a point of reference. This bring to the fore the questions of why military coups are considered an aberration, while abuse of parliamentary provision to sit-tight in office or manipulation of electoral process by politicians democratic? Why are the supposedly “independent” electoral commissions in most cases a dependent ally of the executive branch of government and rarely the opposition? When foreign powers sponsor African leaders to abuse electoral process via the electoral umpire the outcome is termed democratic, but when the same external interest influence the military to overthrow inept and corrupt regimes in power it become anti-democratic. This begs the question as to why? What is the difference between the use of armed forces to change unpopular regime and manipulation of electoral or constitutional process aimed to impose one-self against the will of the people? The answers to these questions are not farfetched, abundantly located in the western interpretation and practice of the alien and imposed culture and concept of democracy on third world countries for geo-political and economic interest. By definition, a coup d’état or simply a coup, is an illegal and overt attempt by the military or other government elites to unseat the incumbent leader. It is important to note that in spite its condemnation, some military coups are distinctly more democracy promoting than others (Varol, 2017:294), especially when it is backed by the citizens through revolution. The case of Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, and Bharain in the Arab Spring are instructive. Albert (2011:293) considers military coup “an affront to the democratic ideals of stability, consent, and legitimacy, correctly so, but how would one explain the situation where a leader, having come to power through legal means and tries to stay in power through illegal means. Evidence of countries in this category are bound in Africa; Angola, Burundi, Algeria, Cameroon, Chad, DR Congo, Congo, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Liberia, Rwanda, Sudan, Togo, Uganda, and Zimbabwe (Daily Trust Newspaper, 25 June 2017). How would one account in a situation where the incumbent president used state resources and other instruments of power to manipulate the outcome of an election. The case of the 2023 Nigerian general election is also instructive where the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) manipulated the outcome in favour of the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC). There have been instances where the incumbent allegedly used his power to influence the outcome of Presidential Election Petition Tribunal (PEPT) up to the Supreme Court level, hence constitutional amendment is required to ensure that the appointment of the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission and the Chief Judge of the federation is not exclusively left for the president. What is worrisome is the myopic manner the international organization and nation-states interprets military coup visa-vis flawed and manipulated electoral process. Military action against the state does not just happen without early warning signs, majorly frustration among segments of the society, political corruption, abuse of national and state privileges by the political elites, ethnic and religious tensions, and importantly unholy economic and political linkages and foreign influence. To stage a coup there must be a source of frustration in the society. In the military we find coup easier when there is frustration in the society, most especially when elections are rigged and the government lacks legitimacy. The judiciary does not endorse illegitimacy (General Babangida, August 2023). Unfortunately, while these negative tendencies are the current situation in Nigeria and other regions in Africa the international community has religiously maintained table manners (silence) hiding under the umbrella of the UN or AU policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of countries. Provided the pay masters are benefiting from the corrupt and inhumane regimes, especially in Africa, all is well, no condemnation, no sanctions or collective military action. Military intervention against corrupt and unrepentant politicians ought to be a rescue mission, especially when barked by the emasculated and hungry civilians. When coups take place citing the aforesaid variables, the international community will quickly break table rules, threatening the juntas and their sponsors. The point being stressed is that prompt preventive measures is golden rather than curative approach in issues of breach of the so called western democratic principles and the rule of law. In terms of post-election and post military coup casualties, the former appears to outnumber the later as per injuries, displacement of poor and innocent citizens, arson, and killings, including ethnic and religious tension and sentiments. Whereas in coup de’ tat only those directly or indirectly involved are arrested, court martialled, in some cases given capital punishment, including ethnic crises. The issue here remained that abuse of electoral process ought not to be seen or treated as a lesser evil or be glorified. Singling out military coup as taboo and abominable act that must be outlawed is too harsh, unfair, and inappropriate, especially when backed by the citizens that have suffered decades of hardship in the hands of inept and corrupt politicians. For fairness and justice, whether military coup, electoral malfeasance, or parliamentary/constitutional breach to elongate tenure of a sitting president, all must be treated as threat against the state, human security, and development, and to a larger extent internal and external security. Conclusion This section has attempted to examine three socio-political threats to human security in Nigeria, namely, proliferation of arms, human population increase and electoral malpractices and violence. Using events and outcome in Africa, the chapter revealed the geo-sources and consequences of proliferation of small arms and light weapon across Nigeria international borders. Furthermore, the section x-rayed population as a key element of power in the international relations, including the merits and demerits of galloping human population increase in a state. It revealed age distribution, good standard of education, quality health care and good governance as intangible determinants of internal and external powers of a state. The chapter concludes with the persistent issue of electoral malpractices and violence which the authors likened to military coup, and advised the international community to treat them equally as they constitute existential threat to national security.

CHAPTER NINE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION RECOMMENDATIONS

Summary and major Findings

The underlining purpose of the study was to examine the Nigerian internal security policy: an assessment of the human security threats to Nigeria in the Post – Military era, between 2006 and 2021. To accomplish the aforesaid goal, the study interrogates the under listed research objectives: (a) to examine the major causes of human insecurity in Nigeria (b) to examine the socio-economic consequences of human insecurity in Nigerian (c) to identify the factors that sustained human insecurity in Nigeria and (d) to examine measures to improve human insecurity in Nigeria. The authors utilised relevant extant literature, in-depth interviews, and quantitative survey to examine the stated objectives which illuminate an array of factors that constitutes an existential threat or danger to human security in Nigeria. Secondary sources emanating from scholarly journal articles, conventional newspapers, the United Nations yearly reports, relevant textbooks, documentaries, and thesis informed this book. Primary data collected from resource persons was used for analysis to compare and review pertinent issues in the stated objectives. The study materials gathered was used to express, analyse, and address pertinent issues of the major causes and consequences of human insecurity, including measures the government can put in place to improve internal peace, human security, and development in Nigeria.

The book was sequentially structured in seven chapters: Chapter one is made up of the introduction and background of the study, comprised the statement of the research problem which briefly highlighted the statistical and factual relevant records of the challenges of human insecurity in Nigeria. The research objectives were revealed together with the intended aim of the study, while the guiding research questions investigated the “what” and “how” question statements. The significance of the study provided the essence and benefit of the study, whereas the study location and conceptual clarification were also highlighted for the geographical understanding of Abuja, the study location.

Chapter two consists of the definition of pertinent concepts of the study aim to enable the reader to understand the different phases and explanations of the key components of the Nigerian internal security in general and human security, welfare, and development in specific terms. Such issues include, but nonetheless limited to the following:

Two sections reviewed extant literature relevant in understanding the subject matter, while the second part examines two foundational theoretical frameworks of the study. Chapter three discussed extensively the design and methodological strategies that were employed in the execution of the study and further justified the choice of each of the elements in the study. Social ethical consideration was expressed in informed consent, data protection, and respect for privacy, anonymity, and confidentiality.

Chapter four focused on data presentation, interpretation and analysis of the quantitative information that was gathered from the area of study, including extant review of relevant literature on the causes and consequences of human insecurity in line with the stated objectives.

Chapter five cantered on the data presentation, the interpretation and analysis of the sustainable threat factors that contribute to human security and the possible measures to improve the human security in Nigeria.

Chapter six provides an overview of the study, specifically it presents the summary of the findings, and the policy direction and conclusion. It further offers suggestions for future research.

Further to the above are some salient findings and or observations that were made during the study.

• The study addressed the research questions on the present situation of human insecurity in Nigeria, which revealed a preponderant validation of the participant’s perceptions on the astronomical escalation of insecurity in the past five years under the present administration, a condition the respondents described as abysmal, alarming, and scary. Considering the outbreak of Covid-19, the study found that the mitigating lockdown rules, and the regulation of the pandemic impacted heavily on the socio-economic activities of both the poor and the rich in the Nigerian society, coupled with the menace of insurgency, armed banditry, and herder-farmer conflicts, particularly in the three geo-political zones in northern Nigeria.

• The study also examined the main causes of human insecurity in Nigeria. Findings revealed government’s inability to implement human security policy due to endemic corruption, incompetent administrators, inadequate security personnel, and lack of political will to take informed decision, combined to constitute serious threat to human security and development in Nigeria.

• Major socio-economic consequences of human insecurity and development were linked to poor standard of living, income inequality, low life expectancy, huge school dropout rate, human displacement, poor health care and low standard of education. These indices are paradoxically emerging from a country that is heavenly blessed with abundant human and natural resources and with the highest GDP in Africa.

• Closely related to the above is the lingering issue of economic diversification. The study found that part of the human security challenges is the government’s failure to diversify sources of national income earnings, such as agriculture, gold, coal, palm produce, cocoa, rubber, timber, and ground nuts. Presently crude oil constitutes about 85% of foreign exchange earnings. Effective and sustained economic diversification policy has the capacity to boost the Nigerian industrial sector, surge in local and foreign direct investments, infrastructure development, increase in import and export, and above all, provides sustained job opportunities to the Nigerian population.

• Findings further highlight that the poor state of the Nigerian economy and weak institutions accounts for the high rate of crime in the country, expressed in anti-social activities and practices, such as internet fraud (known in Nigerian social media parlance as yahoo-yahoo), ritual killings, proliferation of worship centres where congregants seek for spiritual healing and prosperity.

• The study also revealed lack of political decision, endemic corruption and a god-father syndrome, inadequate budgets, unmanned international border space, and ethno-religious sentiments combined to significantly constitute to the enduring state of human insecurity in the country.

• The study found that Nigeria is faced with more of internal than external threat to her national security, peace, and development. Since the advent of the nascent democracy, internal security has remained the major source of concern for the Nigerian government. Outside the Nigeria-Cameroon border crisis in the 1980s and 1990s over the Bakasi Peninsula in the present Cross River State, Nigeria appears not to have experienced an external threat to her national security. Meaning that the country has been at peace with not only her West African neighbours, but Africa and the world.

• The study found that the root cause of human insecurity in Africa is traced to the nature of the internal security policy designed by the British colonial masters and implemented by their foot soldiers in the continent, wherein the security plans and strategies were basically centred on economic interest and regime protection of the west to the detriment of the security and empowerment of the indigenous people of Africa, including Nigeria.

• The study found serious gap in the Nigerian legislative and judicial process where victims of crime turned state witness and used as source of information for the arrest, prosecution and possibly sentencing of perpetrators of crime. Despite the torture and humiliation, and in some cases loss of property and life, there are no legal provision for any assistance or compensation for crime victims. The government, society and even the victims appear to be comfortable with the sentencing of the perpetrator without commensurate justice to the victim(s).

General Conclusion of the study

This study has explored and advanced an array of ideas, opinions, beliefs and orientations of participants and relevant literature concerning insecurity in Nigeria. It interrogates the existing theories and pertinent sources of the root causes of human insecurity in Nigeria, its consequences, key factors that sustained it and remedies. Currently, the state of human security in Nigeria can be described as very poor, horrible, and below average. It is against this backdrop that this research effort is focused on the existential threat to human security in Nigeria. On this backdrop, it is inferred that the socio-economic threat to human security which for decades impacted on the Nigerian internal security will continue to thrive unabated if accurate measures are not urgently taken to mitigate the plague of physical violence and high rate of poverty, unemployment, and inequality. The authors believe that the three branches of government (the executive, legislature, and the judiciary) have separate roles in Nigerian internal security. This can be made possible through effective legislation, unbiased and corrupt free judicial system and committed leadership in government, private sectors, organizations, and communities across the country. On an international front, it behoves the Nigerian law makers to domesticate and ratify all bilateral and multilateral human security treaties signed at sub-regional, continental, and global levels, aimed to safeguard democracy, human rights, rule of law and other local and international vulnerabilities. Nigeria is currently at a precarious situation that the government cannot afford to sacrifice her citizens on the altar of insurgency, armed banditry, kidnapping, and hostage taking, multidimensional poverty, and acute unemployment. International intervention through humanitarian assistance cannot serve as a lasting panacea for internal peace and human security in Nigeria. Representative democracy has provided a diamond opportunity for Nigeria to improve on the welfare and security of her enviable huge population.

An appraisal of extant literature show that human insecurity is part of the enduring colonial legacies that have continued to haunt humanity in the African continent. At independence most of the first-generation African leaders did not deem it necessary to turn the tide of insecurity and the unjust colonial system – instead, they embraced and advanced the course for selfish and parochial interest. This is exemplified in the issue of decolonizing the artificial boundaries established by the colonial masters in Africa, wherein the leaders of the new independent states blatantly refused to return to the status quo. Besides, poor economic policy, social injustice, economic and social inequality, and inept leadership combined to exacerbate human security condition of the people, resulting in a surge of banditry and insurgency in Nigeria. The government’s use of force rather than carrot (or combination of the two) appears not to be the right strategy to mitigate human insecurity challenges, and by greater extent Nigerian internal security. For broader understanding of the subject matter, the authors carried out extensive investigation to unravel the persistent factors that have “produced, reproduced and sustained” human insecurity in Nigeria. Drawing from the general concern of the participants, human insecurity is a consequence of decades of government neglect and failure to provide a meaningful and sustainable welfare packages and social security to millions of her citizens in Nigeria. A further outcome of the study revealed tangible and intangible security threats that sustained human insecurity, specifically insurgency, banditry, inadequate policy implementation, moral degeneration and so forth. The study suggests that the leeway to alleviate security challenges lies in addressing the root cause of the problem, which the study has alluded to earlier.

Nonetheless, the study also revealed some frantic government effort to reduce threat associated with human insecurity, but this endeavour seems not to be effective to cushion the effect of insecurity in Nigeria. The study suggests a change of policy strategy and mind set of the citizens on issues bordering on human security, which remain a viable and potent solution to internal security and human development in Nigeria.

On whether this study will impact on other state’s national security, the authors are of the view that Africa and indeed developing nations virtually have common human security challenges, of which some emanates from enduring colonial legacy, others are self-made and inflected by inept and corrupt leaders, while many are post-colonial anti-African development policies deliberately designed to keep the continent perpetually in bondage. Without making bogus claim, the authors believe that this little contribution, in terms of policy direction of the study may assist interested African leaders and security policy makers to rethink the menace of human insecurity, and to a larger extent internal security in their respective environments.

Compendium of recommendations

This section attempts to provide policy direction and practical measures that can be put in place by government institutions, agencies, departments, private sectors, and other relevant security stakeholders to improve the Nigerian internal security. These recommendations are drawn from the following: (a) the present reality of human insecurity in Nigeria (b) research findings from the field work (3) existing literature review on the Nigerian internal security policy and (4) decades of personal experience. It is the hope of the authors that these recommendations if implemented would bring lasting solution to the persistent threat to human security in Nigeria.

Legal provision to decentralize the internal security architecture in Nigeria.

The present security architecture in Nigeria is highly centralized and controlled by the federal government, a condition that hugely impact on effective policing and intelligent gathering services. The executive and the legislature should as a matter of priority and urgency ensure a re-think of the current structure of the Nigerian security architecture, with the aim to devolving powers across the federal, states and local government councils. This has become paramount because the war against insurgency, armed banditry, cybercrime, and herdsmen menace cannot be won in the present security arrangement, where paramilitary security heads, for instance the Nigerian Police Force (NPF), Immigration, Customs, Civil Defense, and Directorate of State Security (DSS) are all under the command and control of the ministry of interior. Devolution of powers allow the component units and communities to take charge of their environment and ungoverned spaces, hence the saying that security not only local, but should be seen as such. More importantly and given the inadequate numerical strength of the Nigerian Police Force and other sister security agencies, it behoves the government at all levels to embark on mass recruitment of officers and men of the above security agencies and community vigilante group for effective policing.

Constitutional provision for the rights and rehabilitation of victims of crime in Nigeria

Literature finding fingered the Nigerian Criminal Justice System of gross injustice, neglect, disregard, and disrespect for victims of crime. It is common knowledge that the interest or concern of prosecutors, presiding judges or magistrates are basically on ways and means to bring perpetrators of crime behind bars without commensurate effort to compensate the victim that had suffered all forms of harassment, torture, rape, and starvation in captivity. In every court sitting the victim would be expected to appear before the judge or magistrate to give evidence against the accused. In some cases, the perpetrators of the crime use legal instruments, ethno-religious connection, or position in the society to avoid arrest and prosecution. The case of the foreign Fulani bandits is instructive, where the government has failed to either arrest or prosecute the criminals while their victims languish in internally displaced camps across the country. The study therefore recommends strong legislation or revitalization of legislation (if any) to accommodate the rights and rehabilitation of victims of crime as enshrined in the United Nations Victims Bill of Right. The National Assembly should make provision for adequate compensation and psychological assistance to the victims of crime. In the event of the death of victim(s), the government should take full responsibility of the funeral arrangements of the deceased. Importantly, the Nigerian government should realize that non-compliance to international obligation of this right amounts to breach of international protocol, which in turn negatively impact on the lives of crime victims, the members of their family, the judicial system, and the diplomatic relations with the international community.

Legislation for education right of the Nigerian child.

It might interest the reader to note that Nigeria is one of the countries (if any) that does not recognize education as part of the fundamental human rights of her citizen in her constitution (see Fundamental Rights in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, Chapter 1V Section 33). In other words, the right to education has no identifiable provision in the Nigeria statute. There should be a legal commitment on the part of government to protect and promote the fundamental human rights of the citizens not only for education, but also for employment and access to food. Under the present circumstances, the citizens are denied the opportunity to education, and no one has the constitutional right to take the government to court to enforce education right. It therefore behoves the Nigerian authority, particularly the National Assembly to make provision for this clause in the constitution to encourage the citizens, especially parents and guardians to demand for the right for education when they cannot afford it for their children.

Restructuring the Nigerian educational system.

The Nigerian government is notorious in copying education policies from advanced countries of the world without adequate local need assessment. Further, there appear lack of political will and or action to successfully implement the plagiarized education system. However, despite the government’s efforts to decolonize the Nigerian educational system through curriculum transformation, there are still pockets of colonial character in the Nigerian educational system, primarily in the use of English Language as a compulsory admission criterion, medium of instruction and class assessment in Nigerian schools. The study recommends a home-grown education curriculum with local content that speaks to the current socio-economic and technological needs of the indigenous people of Nigeria. These can be achieved via restructuring the western education system that promotes and sustains colonial legacy, culture, and value system. It is therefore the responsibility of the ministry of education to prioritize the use of indigenous languages as a medium of communication, instruction, and assessment at all levels of education in Nigeria.

Empowerment program for poverty alleviation in Nigeria

Despite the government’s relentless measures to empower some segments of the society through mitigation programs, poverty and unemployment remained unacceptably high due to political corruption, insufficient funding, and inadequate implementation of the program policies. Hence, the study strongly proposed that the federal government should consider and adopt the Igbo age long entrepreneurial apprenticeship model of skill acquisition, popularly known in Iboland as Igba-odibo – which means to serve. In Nigeria, the Igbo-tribe is naturally enterprising, hardworking, progressive, innovative, self-made and development minded – a rare attribute that has facilitated and improved the living standard of Igbos in the rural and urban areas, including those in the diaspora. This model of skill acquisition has been tested and trusted for decades, where a successful businessman or woman would accept to mentor young people from his/her family, community, or from his or her in-laws, with the intention to imparting on the mentee business skill, philosophy, tricks, and risks associated with the trade and to empower them thereafter.

De-emphasizing ethnic and religious inclination on national issues

Ethno-religious politics remained the biggest human security challenge in the Nigerian politics, government, society, and history. Virtually every political decision in Nigeria, particularly at the national level is influenced by ethnic origin, religious affiliation, or class benefit. This has been evidently expressed in political appointments, promotions, allocation of resources and federal projects, as well as support of candidates in presidential election. The concept of unity in diversity seems to be a political jargon used by the political class to deceive the gullible to achieve political ambition and religious interest. Moving forward, and considering the current issue of human insecurity, ethnic distrust, and suspicion in Nigeria the authors recommend that government should put in place a strong mechanism to de-escalate and de-emphasise ethnic sentiment and religious bigotry in public businesses – ministries, departments, agencies, parastatals and so forth. The schools, national orientation agency, faith-based organisation, non-governmental organisations, civil society, communities, in short everyone, should get involved in this crusade and conversation. The problem of ethno-religious politics in Nigeria has gone beyond rhetoric – government should provide practical measures/platform (national conferences, conversation on social and traditional media, and town hall meetings) to discuss this monster that has the capacity to derail Nigerian national unity, human security, and national development.

Promotion of economic development policy with human face

The study exposed the mismatch of economic policy development of the present administration, where infrastructure and defence budgets outweighed social security and human development. High investment on defence and physical development is appropriate in a country whose government has already made provision for social security to cater for the poor and the middle class. However, it makes absolutely no sense for any government to spend billions of Naira on mega projects in urban cities constructed by foreign contractors without competent local skill to maintain the infrastructure. The federal and state government should re-think their present infrastructure development policy and pay more attention to human rather than physical development, with the understanding that adequate funding and effective management of health and education sectors can improve the standard of skills, physical and mental health of the people. Importantly, government should stop playing politics with education and health care system and delivery, otherwise the present trend of education and health migration because of the persistent university strikes, medical tourism, and economic migration of Nigerian medical doctors and other professionals will unfortunately continue unabated. There is need for the ministry of education to transform the Nigerian education system and invest more in engineering, science, and technology programs, where the products in the long run can handle mega infrastructure projects and demonstrate competence in the competitive global market.

Effective legislation for corrupt practices

Extant literature revealed that corruption is not an exclusive preserve of the government officials in Nigeria, virtually, every adult is directly or indirectly involved in corrupt practices. Many have justified their involvement in corrupt activities citing poor economic condition, failure of the political class to demonstrate leadership and moral degeneration in the society. Systemic corruption constitutes existential threat to the socio-economic and political development of any nation-state, including Nigeria. To fight corruption, the government should demonstrate leadership, courage, and political will to spell out modalities to recover all looted public funds and properties. The anti-graft agencies, particularly the Economic and Finance Crime Commission (EFCC) should be purged of criminal elements within the institution. They should be fair and prompt to arrest and prosecute corrupt individuals in competent courts of jurisdiction irrespective of age, position, tribe, or religion. However, the authors suggest that government should not put those culpable behind bars, instead, they should be forced to invest recovered loot in critical sectors of the economy, preferably in agriculture, education, health care, infrastructure, and skill development. The legislation should also compel all former presidents, governors, senators, inspector generals of the police force, comptroller general of customs and immigration, members of house of representatives, permanent secretaries, and service chiefs to invest in the above identified sectors or build skill acquisition centres of their choice for youth training and empowerment. The essence is to encourage them to plough back their excess salaries and loots into society and to create job opportunities and skill necessary for socio-economic development. Importantly, there shall be provision for database at national, states, and local government councils where the names of public fund looters will be captured and displayed for posterity.

Mandatary alleviation program in political party’s manifesto

The Nigerian political parties should during registration mandated by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to attach specific human security alleviation program/plan detailing in bullet format the ways and means to tackle the existential threats of poverty, unemployment, inequality and human development at the national state and local government levels. The trend presently is that during political campaigns party flag bearers usually and always make general and bogus statements of intent in their manifestos but fall short of a simple explanation on how to achieve those promises and pronouncements. The National electoral commission should be compelled by law to disqualify any party voted into power but fail convincingly to deliver its alleviation program in the next election season. Put differently, such political party should be deregistered and should not be allowed to contest in the subsequent election. With this measure in place the electorates would be able to evaluate political parties on the bases of their poverty alleviation program and track record.

Constitutional provision for the right to self-determination

Self-determination is a political opinion and fundamental human right enshrined in Article 1 paragraph 2 and in Article 55 of the United Nations Charter (UN Charter 54-73). Holding to the above, Article 1 of the Organization of African Unity, currently (AU) stipulates that the African states party to the present Charter shall recognize the rights, duties and freedoms enshrined in the Charter and shall undertake to adopt legislative or other measures to give effect to them (Chapter 1 Article 1 of OAU charter). Nigeria being a member of the aforesaid international bodies and having ratified these treaties ought to have domesticated the UN and AU self-determination provision in her constitution, presently this has not happened. The essence is to encourage any section of the country that feels excluded, marginalized or unsafe in the Nigerian union has the inalienable right to ask for exit. Failure to comply is tantamount to a breach of international obligation and standard practice. The conspicuous absence of the right for self-determination in the 1999 Constitution, as amended appears to be deliberate and part of the northern agenda and conspiracy to keep Nigeria at all costs resulting in the persistent agitation for the independence of Biafra in the southeast and Oduduwa Nation in the southwestern Nigeria. The Nigerian political elites should understand that agitation for freedom is not a crime in the lens of local and international jurisprudence, hence the government should take a bold step to domesticate this provision, dialogue with agitators and possibly conduct a referendum for any section of the country that wants to exit Nigeria. A political solution rather than a kinetic approach as it were, is counterproductive and will never discourage agitators or bring peace, unity, and internal security in Nigeria.

Legal provision and promotion of effective security policy

This study found that security policy formulation has never been a big challenge to security policy makers in Nigeria, rather effective implementation, and oversight, which is usually blamed on inadequate funding and corruption. To translate policy papers into action has remained a huge impediment to human security and development in Nigeria. For this reason, the relevant authorities should provide adequate funds to implement and monitor security policy projects. Party affiliation and other discriminatory tendencies should not be a yardstick to benefit from national privileges and development assistance. What is worrisome is the lack of continuity of security policy initiatives by incoming administrations at all spheres of government, resulting in the abandonment of projects and establishment of parallel security policy. The study recommends for effective legislative mandates for incoming governments to complete vital security programs before embarking on a new initiative. The envisaged legislation should be potent enough to overcome major obstacles that might inhibit the implementation of human security and development programs.

Effective Policing of international shared borders

During the study one retired Deputy Comptroller General (DCG) of Customs shared that some major challenges inherent in the agency at the border posts, particularly in Northern Nigeria existed. He revealed that the major obstacle to Nigerian internal security remain the persistent influx of Fulani terrorist and jihadist from the Sahel region masquerading as bandits and herdsmen. He further fingered inadequate personnel to man the Nigerian territory bordering Chad, Niger, Benin Republic, and Cameroon. The retired officer also blames inadequate funding of the department, poor remuneration of staff, and low custom tariff as significant challenges faced by the officers and men of customs and immigration service, and by extension human security in Nigeria. Further existential challenges include the cultural and historical affiliation of border communities on both sides of the divide, and trust deficit between custom and immigration officers at border post and the border communities regarding the activities of smugglers and other criminal activities across borders.

On this breath, the authors recommend mass recruitment and training and adequate funding of para-military security agencies to enable them to police Nigerian international borders. The department of interior should introduce the use of technology in border management for prompt surveillance, for instance Close-circuit Television (CCTV) camera at ports of entry and drones for pictorial intelligence and information gathering. The government should prioritize the welfare of border communities in terms of job creation and provision of service delivery. This measure will encourage the border communities to display a sense of patriotism, and to divulge the necessary sensitive security information to Nigerian authorities. Similarly, there shall be incentives for officers and men at the border post to forestall the tendency of being bribed by money bag smugglers and desperate migrants.

Provision for local government autonomy

Recently, the National Bureau of Statistics released startling figures of Nigerians living in poverty. According to the report, out of over 200 million population, 133 million are living in poverty (NBSR, 2022). This revelation triggered prolonged blame game between the presidency and the state governors. The former accused the latter of under spending on human welfare at the grass root level and emasculating the powers and finance of local government, resulting in the high rate of poverty. The governors on the other hand cited the federal government dominance in revenue allocation and too much exclusive legislative powers of most crucial items supposedly for states. On further enquiry the authors shockingly noted that no constitutional evidence backing the establishment of local government council as the “third tier” of government in the Nigeria constitution was present. Rather, Part 111, Section 7(2) of the Nigerian Constitution merely assigned the local council the following functions: (a) provision and maintenance of primary, adult, and vocational education, (b) the development of agriculture and natural resource … (c) the provision and maintenance of health services, and any other functions conferred on it by the State House of Assembly (CFRN, 1999:279). In other words, local government council in Nigeria have no verifiable constitutional provision establishing it, a horrible constitutional gap the state governors took advantage from to control the so called “third tier” of government.

Considering the important place of local administration in rural security and development the authors make a strong case for the review of the status quo. Local government council should be granted autonomy with legal powers to initiate and implement policies and programs for the welfare and wellbeing of the people at the grass root. There should be legal provision granting local councils’ direct access to federal government allocation as opposed to the present situation where state governors hijack the money meant for the provision of delivery and development of rural communities. Further, local councils should be allowed to conduct periodic elections organized by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to elect chairpersons and councillors at local government level. Presently, the chairperson of most local councils in Nigeria are appointees and or nominees of state governors who use such power to patronize their cronies and party faithful. With direct funding from the federal government coupled with the internally generated revenue (IGR) local councils can be able to initiate and implement alleviation policies and programs that can provide basic education, primary health care, effective sanitation, and provision of electricity to the rural communities and by greater extent reduce acute poverty by half.

Adoption of legislation to discourage health care tourism in Nigeria.

Africa is perhaps, the only continent where virtually all her political leaders frequently travel overseas seeking medical care but failed abysmally to establish good medical facilities in their respective countries while in office. It is also a place where religious leaders spend millions of dollars building mega Churches and Mosques without commensurate effort to provide good health care and fitness facilities for the welfare and wellness of their followers. Nigeria is infamously known for health care tourism. For example, in the last 7 years of his administration President Muhammadu Buhari has “spent 237 days in medical trips abroad for either treating or checking undisclosed ailments. Despite his pledge to cut cost, the presidential fleet racks up N64.15b in taxpayers money, including landing, fuel, and parking charges” (Vanguard News Papers 15 November 2022:1), despite the N2.3tn health budgets, out of which Aso Rock Villa (seat of power) clinic gulps a total of N6.2bn in six years (Punch Newspapers, August 1, 2021), meaning that President Buhari has no trust and confidents in Nigerian medical professionals and the health care system. Expectedly, this narrative and behaviour remains the same among Nigerian politicians, government officials, church leaders, and those who can afford the cost of medical trip abroad.

Comparatively speaking, the South African experience is instructive and should be commended. All through his old age and medical care, late President Nelson Mandela was never flown abroad for medical treatment, rather South Africa is a preferred destination for medical tourism. The same narrative is applicable to other South African citizens irrespective of position, wealth, or race. This is possible because relatively South Africa has one of the best medical facilities in Africa, and possibly across the globe.

On this premise, the study recommends for a legal framework to control the rate race for medical tourism, especially among government officials and their families. Since 2023 is election year in Nigeria, the study also recommend that the incoming administration should take the issue of health care as a matter of priority by providing world class specialist hospitals in each of the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria with the intent to cut cost on medical tourism. Further, the new administration should map out new friendly medical policy enveloped with good incentives to attract thousands of Nigerian medical doctors and other sister professionals back home. The administration should also consider free medical treatment for minors between 1-18 years, and medical aid subsidy for government workers and those in the private sector. Government should also partner and financially assist private medical practitioners, including indigenous medicine to keep them afloat in their practice.

Strengthening the Nigerian judicial system

The “legal origin” of the Nigerian legal system can be traced to the British colonial administration which has remained one of the inherited and sustained circumstances in Nigerian colonial history. Contextually, legal origin means whether a country’s legal system is based on the British common law, or French, German, or Scandinavian civil law (La Porta, Lopez-de-Silanes, & Shleifer 2008). As an important legal institution ascribed as the third tier of government, the judiciary globally is bestowed with the responsibility to interpret, regulate, and apply the law to individual cases without prejudice. For decades, the Nigeria judicial system have earned for itself a dented record of corrupt practices allegedly committed by the bar and bench in the process of dispensing justice, particularly when it comes to the issues of electoral tribunal judgements. We recommend therefore that the appointments, promotion, and the annual budget of the judiciary must not be determined by the executive, but by independent body within their ranks thereby strengthening the age long principle of separation of powers. In the current situation where the executive determines the above elements makes the judicial system vulnerable in the hands of the political class.

Conclusion

The book highlights that more than Nigeria is vulnerable to external security threat it is the serious levels of under-development that makes it predisposed to threat by its citizens?? Nigeria although having vast amounts of natural resources it has not used it in creative ways to alleviate appalling levels of poverty, development of its human capital and becoming one of the superpowers in the African continent. Its human level assets and resources has been underutilized and is a source of frustration for its citizens. The book concludes with fifteen recommendations which Nigeria can consider for its development needs. Many of these recommendations are drawn by the authors from a careful analysis on the state of development in Nigeria which makes it vulnerable to insecurity by its citizens. Some of the recommendations can be implemented in the short-term whilst others over time. In all these recommendations policy change and implementation are key to reducing its human security threat. Some policies are in place which requires re-modification whilst others need to be reformulated and implemented with a strong political will. Unless it takes proactive steps in mitigating the needs of its marginalised citizenry, it stands to risk political upheaval similar to the Arab spring that can have devastating effects on issues of governance and political stability which will have far reaching consequences for its socio-economic development.

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Epilogue

Nigeria’s evolution from military rule to civilian form of government has come with many challenges. Being politically, economically, and socially disadvantaged by colonialism places a heavy burden on its shoulders to meet the wants of its citizenry. Notwithstanding its colonial legacy and transition to civilian form of governance, being endowed with natural resources places it in an advantageous position to meet the basic needs of its citizens without risking its security. Endemic poverty resulting from poor development initiatives has left a wide gap between the rich and the poor. It becomes apparent that there is an increase in poverty levels, and this poses a risk for its national security. Having transitioned to civilian form of government it no longer needs to fear regime security and finding domestic politics and criticism on public and social policy issues as a national security risk. The right to freedom of expression has been hard won since its militaristic rule. It is now twenty-four years into civilian form of governance based on democratic principles derived from international, continental, and regional charters and treatises which it has to live up to. The book identifies fifteen key areas that Nigeria needs to pursue in order to avert human insecurity amongst its citizens. Amongst the key areas that Nigeria needs to pursue for its human security is the eradication of poverty. Unemployment, low levels of education, lack of diversity in the economic sector through value added commodities from its natural resources, low priority to the right to education are areas that pose a threat to its national security. Additionally, attention to corrupt practices, decentralising its security apparatus, improvements to its judicial system to be just and fair, improving on its health care sector and awarding autonomy to the local government for service delivery can help better its human security status. It would appear, that Nigeria since its democracy has experienced ethno-religious conflicts carried over to its post military regime. Ethno-religious conflict has also proliferated across its national borders, and this needs priority attention as it poses a risk both internally and externally. Child and youth development programmes should be viewed as priority to capacitate the next generation of active citizens that will add value to its human security challenges. Being the most populous country in the continent, with increasing birth rates and a youthful society places it at a vulnerable position as far as human insecurity needs are concerned. Corruption, proliferation of arms in the country, violation of the sanctity of its constitution and human rights predisposes its citizens to human insecurity.

Dr Hyginus Uzomah is a Political Scientist at the Walter Sisulu University in South Africa. Since his tenure as a Political Scientist, he has promoted twenty-two research projects on diverse political issues both in the continent and South Africa. He is passionate about security, de-colonisation and African Renaissance in the continent. Dr Uzomah is a long-standing member of the South African Association of Political Scientists.

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Human Security Threats in Nigeria

Hyginus Uzomah and Sultan Khan

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Introduction

Conceptual Foundations for the Understanding of Human Security in Nigeria

Introduction

Internal security

Nigeria’s internal security policy

Internal threat

Post-military era

Social welfare

Human development

Human rights

Environmental security

Community security

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